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Showing posts with label review. Show all posts
Showing posts with label review. Show all posts

Monday, February 15, 2016

Prenuptial Agreements to be the Norm? - Business Standard


Prenuptial agreements in India might not be legally tenable but, increasingly, families are going for these contracts which state the assets of the bride and groom, and the compensation the woman will receive if the marriage turns sour and the couple legally part ways.

“Families are opting for prenuptial agreements to see the intentions of the parties involved, even though the contract is not legally binding,” says senior advocate Mrunalini Deshmukh, who handled divorce cases of many Bollywood celebrities including Aamir and Reena Khan and Karisma Kapoor. She adds that the document is used to tell the court the conditions that the couple had agreed upon when they got married.

It’s not only the wealthy that are drawing up these agreements. Advocate Vandana Shah recently got a couple who asked her to help them draft one such contract. They were both part of corporate world, working in middle management. When she told them it would not have any standing in a court, they said they were making it so that both were clear on the settlement terms if they part ways.

Prenuptials are popular in developed countries such as the US, Australia, France and Germany. But in India, there are Supreme Court rulings which say any contract which has marriage as an object is null and void.

Recently, Maneka Gandhi, minister for women and child development,  recommended to D V Sadananda Gowda, Minister for Law and Justice, to make Prenuptial Agreements mandatory before marriage.

The recommendation was made as many women from lower socio-economic backgrounds have to fight endless battles over alimony, marital ownership of property and assets during divorce.
Deshmukh says, on an average, divorce cases take four to five years to conclude; but many also drag on for over 15 years. She has a client, who is still fighting a legal battle since 1999.

The idea of legalising Prenuptial Agreements has many takers.

Lawyers say it will help reduce the burden of courts. It will also end husbands and wives taking undue advantage of each other and will keep their expectations in check. It will also help solve common reasons for fights or disputes, such as division of property.

Financial planners say it will be a good starting point in a marriage. When drawing a prenuptial agreement, the entire assets, liabilities, business ownerships, among other things, are listed out. This can make both parties aware of each other’s finances before tying the knot.

Even if a prenuptial agreement does not become legal in India, there are a few things every couple should follow while managing their family finances to ensure that things don’t go awry in case they part ways.

Suresh Sadagopan, a certified financial planner, says couples should keep their finances separate and contribute towards expenses in equal proportion. If the husband’s salary is Rs 1 lakh and wife’s is Rs 50,000. They can equally contribute 30 per cent of their income to family expenses.

Shah says couples should keep their bank accounts separate and all investments should be done through individual accounts. This will not only create a trail, but also make calculation of taxes easy.

When buying property, couples should also take the ownership in the asset in proportion to their contribution, Sadagopan says. If the husband is paying 70 per cent of the equated monthly instalment, he should list his share in that proportion.

Source - http://wap.business-standard.com/article/bs/prenuptial-agreements-likely-to-be-mandatory-116020400476_1.html

Wednesday, February 3, 2016

Ordinance promulgated to amend the Enemy Property Act, 1968


The Enemy Property (Amendment and
Validation) Ordinance, 2016 was promulgated on January 7, 2016.

 The Ordinance amends the Enemy Property Act, 1968 and the Public Premises (Eviction of Unauthorised Occupants)
Act, 1971.
After the India-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, the central government took over the properties (called ‘enemy properties’) of those who migrated from India and became citizens of Pakistan (i.e., ‘enemy’). These properties were vested in the office of the ‘custodian of enemy property’, instituted under the central government.
 The 1968 Act regulates rights over these enemy properties, and the powers of their custodian.
In July 2010, an Ordinance was introduced to amend the Act (subsequently lapsed).

 This Ordinance clarified that the office of the custodian will retain its power over enemy properties, even after the enemy dies, or if the legal heir is an Indian citizen, or the enemy changes his nationality, etc.
The 2016 Ordinance also provides for the same.

In addition, it amends the Act to broaden the definition of enemies. For instance, the Act provided that a citizen of India cannot be considered an enemy. Under the 2016
Ordinance, legal heirs of enemies (even if they are Indian citizens) will be considered enemies.

This will mean they will not be able to inherit enemy properties, or enjoy any benefits arising from them.

The 2016 Ordinance also modifies powers of the custodian of enemy property. For example, it adds the power to fix and collect rent, and evict unauthorised occupants from such properties.

For the purpose of allowing regulation of
unauthorised occupants in case of enemy
properties, the Ordinance also makes some
amendments to the 1971 Act.

The 2016 Ordinance has retrospective effect
from the date of commencement of the 1968 Act. This is to ensure that transfers of enemy property that had taken place before its promulgation are deemed ineffective if they violate its provision. All such properties will continue to vest with the custodian.
For a comparison of the two Ordinances, please see here
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Monday, November 24, 2014

The Land Acquisition Law Confusion

 
After a long drawn debate, and discussion last year, dcoumented at -http://www.prsindia.org/pages/land-acquisition-debate-139/ the Confusion of the Land Acquisition Law/s Continues...

Nov 20, 2014
Law minister Sadananda Gowda on Wednesday ruled out taking the ordinance route for any amendments in the Land Acquisition Act <<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Land_Acquisition_Act_1894>> though he said the government was in favour of bringing some changes.  "There is a proposal. The call has to be taken by the concerned (rural development) ministry," he said, without elaborating on the proposed changes.

Finance minister Arun Jaitley had last week said the government will amend the "tough" land acquisition law even without opposition support as it looks to restore confidence in the economy. The government is in favour of consulting other parties and developing a consensus on the proposed changes. Some states have already expressed concern and cited difficulties in acquiring land for infrastructure projects with stringent clause such as obtaining consent of at least 70% of affected landowners in case of PPP projects and 80% in case of private projects.
Source - Times of India

Nov 9, 2014
The Land Acquisition Bill, which was passed during the previous UPA regime with then opposition BJP supporting it, seeks to set a fair compensation for farm land being taken over for industrial projects. But the law has made land acquisition very difficult, slowing projects. States too have come out openly against the law saying it had hurt the process of acquiring land for infrastructure projects. Jaitley said that the "obstacles" to the land laws would have to be first removed in order to implement the concept of smart cities in India.
In Budget 2014-15, Jaitley had proposed an allocation of Rs 7,060 crore for developing 100 'smart cities' in the country. The Rural Development Ministry has already suggested a number of amendments to the Land Acquisition Act that will water down provisions such as mandatory consent of at least 70% locals for acquiring land for PPP projects, and 80 per cent for private projects. Jaitley also said that the government's disinvestment programme will "unfold" in the next couple of days.
Source - DNA India

July 15, 2014.
The government is keen on bringing changes in the new Land Acquisition Act to make it more industry friendly.  The government may also convene an all-party meet to evolve a consensus so that a Bill to amend the one-year-old law could be introduced in the ongoing session of Parliament.
Rural Development Minister Nitin Gadkari has already started informal consultations with the allies as well as some of the opposition parties.
The Ministry of Rural Development (MoRD) has sent a note to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), suggesting dilution in some of the key provisions of the Act, as proposed by the revenue ministers of the state governments during their recent meeting with Gadkari.
The provisions that the MoRD is keen to dilute include the one that made it mandatory to obtain prior consent of at least 70 per cent of land owners in case of acquisitions for public-private-partnership (PPP) projects and 80 per cent in case of private projects.
In its note to the PMO, the MoRD suggested that the requirement of consent of land owners should be done away with for the PPP projects, where the governments hold ownership of the land. If the rider cannot be struck off, the clause should be revised to make sure that land could be acquired even if 50 per cent of the owners had given consent, the MoRD argued in its note.  The Congress-led UPA government got the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill passed by both the Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha during the monsoon session of Parliament last year. It replaced the archaic Land Acquisition Act of 1894. The new law was projected as a pro-farmer legislation and triggered concerns in the industry about the delays it would cause to acquire land for any project. Though the BJP helped pass the bill in Parliament, the party hinted during its campaign for the Lok Sabha polls earlier this year that it would give the law a re-look if elected to power.
Source - Deccan Herald

Time will only tell...

Saturday, October 5, 2013

Facts about 0% EMI Finance Schemes | InvestmentYogiInvestmentYogi

Facts about 0% EMI Finance Schemes | InvestmentYogiInvestmentYogi:


This festival season you might have decided to upgrade your television set from LCD Flat Screen to LED Smart Television or purchase Samsung Note Book / Apple Iphone / Nokia Lumia replacing your old Android Mobile Handset, etc. Attractive promotional schemes from manufacturing companies and retail stores will roll out in the market from this week as Navratri – the first festival of the season is commencing from 5th Oct, 2013 followed by Dussehra, Diwali and Christmas. When we look at the statistics of last few years, purchase of consumer goods through 0% finance schemes has attracted many customers and sales through this scheme has contributed 20-30% to top-line for retailers in the market. However, before you take a decision to purchase consumer goods and get trapped in some promotional offers we recommend avoid 0% emi finance schemes offered by banks or credit cards because there are some hidden costs and disadvantages attached to it, which we will discuss in this article. Now, RBI has also stepped in from 24th Sep, 2013 to halt 0% finance schemes offered by banks to purchase consumer goods.

Disadvantages of purchasing consumer goods on 0% finance schemes are as follows:

1) Processing and documentation fees

Banks charge one time processing and documentation fees from customers, while purchase on 0% finance schemes. The fees vary from bank to bank, but will be in the range of Rs 500 to Rs 1,000. So, this will be additional cost on products you have purchased.

Take an example, Mr Abhishek opts to purchase 42 inch LED Smart Television Set which costs Rs 60,000 from store. Now, he applies for 0% finance scheme to pay monthly EMI on his purchase. To apply for the EMI schemes, he shells out additional cost of Rs 1,000 against processing and documentation charges. Now, his LED set would cost him for Rs. 61,000 (inclusive of processing charges).

2) Pay interest rates on your purchase

As per information gathered from various retail stores, it can be said that banks are charging hefty interest rates from customers while purchase on these finance schemes with 0% EMI. Interest rates vary for six months and nine months tenor among banks. These interest rates are as follows:


Banks                         6 months tenor     9 months tenor
State Bank of India  4.25%                     6.35%
HDFC Bank               5.2%                        7.25%
ICICI Bank               4%                            6-6.15%

Now, after RBI intervention in the 0 interest finance schemes to purchase consumer goods, banks such as SBI, Axis bank, Kotak Mahindra, etc have already withdrew zero percent facilities.

Taking forward Mr. Abhishek’s example, the cost price of Rs 60,000 for LED will have additional cost of interest expense over it. So, consider if he had opted to purchase LED with 6 months tenor (EMI instalments) from ICICI bank. The interest rate applicable will be 4% on his purchase. Now, EMI for 6 months will be Rs 10,117. So, at the end of 6 EMIs, total amount he pays off is Rs 60,702. So, purchase of RS 60,000 has now led him to pay additional cost Rs 1,702 (Rs 1,000 processing fee + Rs 702 interest cost).

3) Losing out on discount while shopping

Retail stores and shop dealers on roadside offer discount when you opt to purchase through cash or debit card. This discount varies on your negotiation skills and brand of the product you opt to purchase. I did a survey in few retail stores and dealer shops to understand cash discount they are ready to offer if shown interest to book the order immediately and pay full amount by debit card. Retail stores offered me cash discount in the range of 3-5% on purchase of LG, Panasonic, Toshiba, Onida, etc LED sets. On the other hand, dealer shops on roadside offer cash discounts between 5-10% while purchasing similar brands and models from them. But, getting a discount on Sony and Samsung LED’s is a difficult task as they are market leaders and have marginal operating price across all retail / dealer stores in India. However, it’s possible to get a price break or complementary gifts of Rs 2000 to Rs 2,500 on Sony and Samsung LEDs, but require smart negotiation skills to deal with the Store manager / Associates.

Next time, before stepping into a retail store to purchase any consumer good, get a best price for the same product from a nearby dealer store. Then, take a decision to purchase from a store which saves money from your pocket and gives better sales service.

Here, we can say Mr. Abhishek missed an opportunity to save Rs 3,000, assuming 5% cash discount on purchase of Rs 60,000 LED set. Instead, he paid Rs 61,702 for LED costing Rs 60,000 in the market.

Set your preferences before stepping out for shopping consumer goods

There are few questions which you require an answer to, before stepping out to purchase any consumer products in the market. There is a high probability you will be confused with various brands and features in the market. So, take an example of Mr. Abhishek, who decides to purchase LED television set. The points he would discuss with his family / wife will be:
Size of the LED set required to be installed in drawing room
Should we give preference to brand or additional features at best price?
Whether we want to buy from retail store or nearby dealer shop?
Payment option i.e. 0% emi finance scheme or cash (debit card)?
Set a budget price for consumer product you intend to purchase.

Based on a survey at few retail and dealer stores, I would like to share some insights as follows:
Associates at these stores tried to push products which have attractive features and gives them better commission (profit) on sales if you have not decided your preference before stepping out for shopping.
Associate gives demo of branded LEDs like Samsung and Sony on request but makes them inferior in features while compare to other brands like LG, Panasonic, Toshiba, etc. Also, prices of Samsung and Sony are much higher compared to other brands, so consumer easily gets diverted to other known brands while purchasing to get additional features at discounted price compared to branded market leaders. So, here if you have set your preference clearly, you will not fall in the trap of seller while shopping.

Conclusion

Let us calculate in table the total savings Mr. Abhishek will have from purchase of LED on cash with discount.


Particulars      Purchase on 0% 
finance schemes         Purchase on cash with discount
Cost price of LED (Rs)                 60,000                                             60,000
Add: Processing Fee (Rs)                  1,000                                             0
Add: Interest Payable (Rs)                 702                                                 0
Less: Cash Discount (@5%)                  0                                               3,000
Total Cost (Rs)                   61,702                                                         - 3,000
Total Savings (Rs)                4,702
Additional Expense 
Incurred (%) 8% (approx.) by opting for 6 months financing scheme


With purchase on cash, Mr. Abhishek has saved Rs 4,702 as computed above. This saving can be utilised for other expenses (shopping) or invest in short term FD to earn cumulative interest. So, for consumer benefit, RBI has also intervened and is now against 0% finance schemes on emi offered by banks at retail / dealer stores. They want shoppers (consumers) to do shopping on debit card/cash and get additional benefit of discount from stores. So, improve your negotiation skills to get the best price for consumer goods of your preference and enjoy your shopping in this festival season….!!!!!

The author has presented his personal views in this article through knowledge and interaction with people at few retail/dealer stores in Mumbai.

About the Author:

Hiral Thanawala is a PGDM (Finance) graduate and Certified Financial Planner with an experience of over 5 years in equity market and personal finance domain. He can be reached at expert@investmentyogi.com

'via Blog this'

Saturday, August 10, 2013

How to Spot a Liar — HBS Working Knowledge





Some excerpts from the article :


KEY FINDINGS: WORD COUNT, PROFANITY, AND PRONOUNS


In terms of strategic cues, the researchers discovered the following:
Bald-faced liars tended to use many more words during the ultimatum game than did truth tellers, presumably in an attempt to win over suspicious receivers. Van Swol dubbed this "the Pinocchio effect." "Just like Pinocchio's nose, the number of words grew along with the lie," she says. 
Allocators who engaged in deception by omission, on the other hand, used fewer words and shorter sentences than truth tellers. 


Among the findings related to nonstrategic cues:
On average, liars used more swear words than did truth tellers—especially in cases where the recipients voiced suspicion about the true amount of the endowment. "We think this may be due to the fact that it takes a lot of cognitive energy to lie," Van Swol says. "Using so much of your brain to lie may make it hard to monitor yourself in other areas." 
Liars used far more third-person pronouns than truth tellers or omitters. "This is a way of distancing themselves from and avoiding ownership of the lie," Van Swol explains. 
Liars spoke in more complex sentences than either omitters or truth tellers. 


The researchers also examined when and whether the receivers trusted the allocators—noting instances when receivers voiced doubts about the allocators' statements, and correlating the various linguistic cues with the accuracy of the receivers' suspicions. They also noted instances in which receivers showed no suspicion toward deceivers.


On average, receivers tended to trust the bald-faced liars far more than they trusted the allocators who tried to deceive by omission. In short, relative silence garnered more suspicion than flat-out falsehoods. "It turns out that omission may be a terrible deception strategy," Van Swol says. "In terms of succeeding at the deception, it was more effective to outright lie. It's a more Machiavellian strategy, but it's more successful."
POSSIBLE APPLICATIONS


In the latest phase of their research, the team is investigating the linguistic differences between lying in person and lying via email. Results regarding the latter may be increasingly useful as a larger portion of business is now being conducted via email, and such communications leave a transcript that can be analyzed carefully—and at leisure—by suspicious counterparts. "People detect lies better over the computer than they do face-to-face," Van Swol says.


That said, the researchers are quick to emphasize that linguistic cues are most definitely not a foolproof method of detecting lies, even among those who are trained to look out for them.


"This is early stage research," Malhotra says. "As with any such work, it would be a mistake to take the findings as gospel and apply them too strictly. Rather, the factors we find to be associated with lies and deception are perhaps most useful as warning signs that should simply prompt greater vigilance and further investigation regarding the veracity of the people with whom we are dealing."


—To learn more about how to deal with liars during business negotiations, read Negotiation Genius: How to Overcome Obstacles and Achieve Brilliant Results at the Bargaining Table and Beyond by Deepak Malhotra and Max H. Bazerman.

Thursday, March 21, 2013

Ram Jethmalani slams shameless IBNLive as "Bullshit"



"Who the hell is the press to decide a person is guilty or not ? It will be the saddest day when lawyers decide not to represent a accused person, and pre-decide his guilt. That will be against the spirit of the Rule of Law. The Courts will decide the guilt, not the Press, not the Editor, or any person who runs a Television channel." 

I will not allow the Press to control my life, and my profession. You are nobody to comment. All this bullshit will not convince me at all. My conscience is my conscience, the Court will decide. You are not Judges of this country nor are you the Gods. You are overstepping your limits." 

- the invincible Adv Ram Jethmalani

Saturday, March 10, 2012

The tax aviodance debate - V Venkatesan - from The FrontLine

The Supreme Court judgment in the Vodafone case, which has come under scrutiny, brings to the fore the issue of tax avoidance.
PTI

Installing the Vodafone logo at the company's office in Mumbai in September 2007, after the deal with Hutchison Essar was completed.

“We now live in a welfare state whose financial needs, if backed by the law, have to be respected and met. We must recognise that there is behind taxation laws as much moral sanction as behind any other welfare legislation and it is a pretence to say that avoidance of taxation is not unethical and that it stands on no less moral plane than honest payment of taxation.... It is neither fair nor desirable to expect the legislature to intervene and take care of every device and scheme to avoid taxation. It is up to the court to take stock to determine the nature of the new and sophisticated legal devices to avoid tax and... to avoid the devices for what they really are and to refuse to give judicial benediction.”

– Supreme Court Judge O. Chinnappa Reddy in McDowell and Company Limited vs Commercial Tax Officer (1985).

TAX revenues are an indispensable source of funding a government's development initiatives in an era in which governments often lament the lack of resources to secure for all citizens the right to an adequate means of livelihood and to minimise the inequalities in income.

Therefore, when individuals and companies resort to the use of illegitimate devices to avoid tax and find the political and legal climate conducive to that, it ought to arouse the nation's social conscience if only because plugging loopholes in tax collection cannot be left entirely to the executive and the legislature.

When the government understands its commitment to collect legitimate taxes but is not successful in convincing the judiciary to endorse it, it should mean a serious institutional failure on the part of the judiciary to safeguard the constitutional philosophy.

The Supreme Court's judgment in the Vodafone case, delivered on January 20, is an instance of such failure. Put simply, here was an unprecedented tax demand by the income tax authorities on Vodafone (to the tune of Rs.11,000 crore), on the basis of an equally unprecedented transaction between Vodafone and Hutch, with a clear nexus to the sale of the latter's assets in India.

As happens in any case, two legal views are certainly possible over whether the Indian tax authorities have jurisdiction to tax Vodafone for the transaction. The Bombay High Court had ruled in 2010 that the Income Tax Department had jurisdiction to tax Vodafone. The Supreme Court's judgment on January 20 set that aside, giving huge relief to Vodafone. The question being asked in legal circles is, if two equally valid but conflicting legal interpretations are possible, why not adopt the one that could help the government earn the requisite tax revenues rather than the one that has the potential to weaken governance and leave the citizens to the mercy of market forces.

It is possible to suggest, as some tax lawyers who defend Vodafone have done, that the law does not change if the tax demand is a large amount. But in the same breath, some of them suggest that if the Vodafone case had a tax implication of just Rs.10 crore, the case would have been over before the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal itself and would not have engaged the valuable time of the High Court and the Supreme Court.

It is precisely for this reason that it needs to be asked why Vodafone did not first approach the Tribunal for redress. As the stakes are high, both the transaction and the manner in which the judiciary understood and interpreted the issue are bound to come under intense scrutiny. And because it has huge implications (and possible setbacks for the I.T. Department in future) for similar tax demands involving foreign transactions with nexus to India, experts anticipate revenue losses to the Central government running into more than Rs.1 lakh crore.

This is not to suggest that the Supreme Court's judgment is scandalous; far from it. The government's advocates who argued the case before the Supreme Court and independent lawyers like Prashant Bhushan have refrained from calling it so. By convention, apex court rulings carry huge respect even among those disagreeing with them. Yet, it is essential to subject the Supreme Court's judgment to serious and well-informed criticism if only to prepare the ground for its review.

Put in this context, Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy's observations in the McDowell case, quoted above – delivered six years before the beginning of the era of liberalisation and economic reforms in 1991 – are prescient. Clearly, Justice Chinnappa Reddy envisaged a proactive role for the judiciary to see through the fraudulent tax avoidance devices employed by taxpayers at the cost of social justice.

Now in his nineties, Justice Chinnappa Reddy must be ruing the manner in which the Supreme Court misinterpreted twice (the first time in 2003 in the Azadi Bachao case and now in the Vodafone case) in the past 10 years his holding on how the court should be smart enough to expose the legal devices that companies adopt to avoid paying tax.

Justice Chinnappa Reddy was judge of the Supreme Court from 1978 to 1987, and was among the most distinguished members of the judiciary. His decision in the McDowell case was one of the most admired judgments on tax evasion.

McDowell case

McDowell was a licensed manufacturer of liquor in Hyderabad. The company had failed to disclose the excise duty paid on liquor sold by it to wholesalers. The taxing authority, through a notice, called upon the company to show cause why assessments made should not be reopened. The company challenged the validity of this notice and argued that the excise duty paid by the buyer did not become a part of the company's turnover.

The five-judge Constitution Bench dismissed McDowell's appeal through two judgments: one by four judges and another concurring, detailed and separate judgment by Justice Chinnappa Reddy.

Justice Ranganath Misra, on behalf of himself and three other judges on the Bench, namely, Chief Justice Y.V. Chandrachud and Justices D.A. Desai, and E.S. Venkataramiah, held as follows:

“Tax planning may be legitimate provided it is within the framework of law. Colourable devices cannot be part of tax planning and it is wrong to encourage or entertain the belief that it is honourable to avoid the payment of tax by resorting to dubious methods. It is the obligation of every citizen to pay the taxes honestly without resorting to subterfuges.”

Following this holding, the Bench said in Paragraph 27:

GURINDER OSAN/AP

FEBRUARY 14, 2007: Vodafone chief executive officer Arun Sarin, right, and Hutchison Essar CEO Asim Ghosh at a press conference in New Delhi after Britain's Vodafone Group PLC had agreed to buy a 67 per cent controlling interest in Hutchison Essar Ltd for $11.1 billion.

“On this aspect one of us, Chinnappa Reddy, J., has proposed a separate and detailed opinion with which we agree.”

The above sentence became the bone of contention in arriving at the ratio of the McDowell case. Did the four judges agree entirely with Justice Chinnappa Reddy, or only with regard to his observations against the use of colourable devices to avoid payment of tax? The Supreme Court has held in the Vodafone case that the ratio of McDowell is that the four judges agreed with Justice Chinnappa Reddy only in the context of use of colourable devices to avoid payment of tax. Justice Chinnappa Reddy, however, in his separate opinion, has clearly underlined the need to depart from the “Westminster” principle and tax avoidance.

According to this British principle (laid down in Inland Revenue Commissioners vs Duke of Westminster, 1936), every man is entitled if he can to order his affairs so as to diminish the burden of tax. Justice Chinnappa Reddy held that the principle of Westminster had been given a decent burial and in that very country where the phrase ‘ tax avoidance' originated, the judicial attitude towards tax avoidance had changed and the smile, cynical or even affectionate though it might have been at one time, had now frozen into a deep frown. No one could now get away with a tax avoidance project with the mere statement that there was nothing illegal about it, he had said.

In the Vodafone case decided by the Supreme Court's three-judge Bench on January 20, the McDowell ghost returned to haunt the judiciary. The Bench comprised of Chief Justice of India S.H. Kapadia and Justices Swatanter Kumar and K.S. Radhakrishnan. In two separate judgments (Chief Justice Kapadia and Justice Swatanter Kumar delivering one and Justice Radhakrishnan authoring the second), the Bench set aside the Bombay High Court judgment in the Vodafone case.

Vodafone case

Briefly, the case concerns a tax dispute between the Vodafone Group and the Income Tax Department (hereafter referred to as Revenue) over the acquisition by Vodafone International Holdings BV (VIH), a company resident for tax purposes in the Netherlands, of the entire share capital of CGP Investments (Holdings) Ltd. (CGP), a company resident for tax purposes in the Cayman Islands on February 11, 2007.

According to Revenue, the aim of this transaction was to acquire 67 per cent controlling interest in Hutchison Essar Limited (HEL), a company resident in India. Revenue, therefore, sought to tax capital gains, arising from the sale of the share capital of CGP on the basis that CGP, while not a tax resident in India, holds the underlying Indian assets. The tax demand was a whopping Rs.11.000 crore.

VIH, on the contrary, argued that it acquired companies which, in turn, controlled a 67 per cent interest but not controlling interest, in HEL. Further, VIH contended that CGP held indirectly through other companies 52 per cent shareholding interest in HEL as well as Options to acquire a further 15 per cent shareholding interest in HEL, subject to relaxation of foreign direct investment (FDI) norms.

High Court verdict

The Bombay High Court Bench comprising Justices Dr D.Y. Chandrachud and J.P. Devadhar on September 8, 2010, upheld the Central government's contention that the Vodafone-Hutch transaction had a significant nexus with India. Once the nexus is established, income tax may extend to that person in respect of his foreign income, the Bench said. Such a nexus can be based on residence or business connection within the taxing state or the situation within the state of an asset or source of income from which the taxable income is derived, the Bench explained.

“Even though the revenue laws of a country may not be enforceable in another, that does not imply that the courts of a country shall not enforce the law against the residents of another within their own territories,” the High Court Bench held.

While concluding so, the High Court simply relied on the perception of Hutchison Telecommunication International Ltd. (HTIL), Cayman Islands, which had its shareholdings in HEL in terms of HTIL's Annual Report for 2007. The High Court found that for HTIL the transaction represented a discontinuation of its operations in India (paragraph 123).

In paragraph 124, the High Court went into the nature of the transaction from the perspective of how VIH BV looked at the events that led to the sale-purchase agreement dated February 11, 2007. The Bench then went on to analyse the relevant documents.

In paragraph 132, it concluded that it would be simplistic to assume that the entire transaction between HTIL and VIH BV was fulfilled merely upon the transfer of a single share of CGP in the Cayman Islands. “The commercial and business understanding between the parties postulated that what was being transferred from HTIL to VIH BV was the controlling interest in HEL…. HEL was at all times intended to be the target company and a transfer of the controlling interest in HEL was the purpose which was achieved by the transaction,” the Bench noted.

More important, the High Court Bench also relied on the due diligence report of Ernst & Young to emphasise that the object and intent of the parties was to achieve the transfer of control over HEL. The transfer of the solitary share of CGP, a Cayman Islands company, was put into place subsequently at the behest of HTIL as a mode of effectuating the goal.

In paragraph 134, the High Court was very specific: “The transactional documents are not merely incidental or consequential to the transfer of the CGP share, but recognised independently the rights and entitlements of HTIL in relation to the Indian business which were being transferred to VIH BV.”

In paragraph 135, the High Court further noted: “The transaction between VIH BV and HTIL was a composite transaction which covered a complex web of structures and arrangements, not referable to the transfer of one share of an upstream overseas company alone. The transfer of that one share alone would not have been sufficient to consummate the transaction.”

In the Supreme Court

Unfortunately, the Supreme Court found no merit in the High Court's findings. In order to rebut these findings, the Supreme Court resorted to an academic discussion on why this case concerns “a share sale” rather than an “asset sale”.

The Supreme Court's judgment favours a “look at” test in which Revenue looks at the entire Hutchison structure as it existed, holistically, and not adopt a dissecting approach. In other words, Revenue should not ask whether the transaction is a tax deferment/saving device, but apply the “look at” test to ascertain its true legal nature.

The court then stretched this “look at” test to be applied to every strategic FDI coming to India, as an investment destination, in a holistic manner. While doing so, it said, Revenue/courts should keep in mind six factors, namely, the concept of participation in investment; the duration of time during which the Holding Structure exists; the period of business operations in India; the generation of taxable revenues in India; the timing of the exit; and the continuity of business on such exit. The onus is on Revenue to identify the scheme and its dominant purpose, it said.

The Supreme Court frowned upon the High Court's “look through” test because, it claimed, it was inconsistent with tax policy certainty, which was crucial for taxpayers (including foreign investors) to make rational economic choices in the most efficient manner.

While examining the question whether the Supreme Court must have chosen the “dissecting/look through test” of the High Court rather than the “look at” test, a return to the question of the ratio of the McDowell judgment is imperative. Delivered as part of the five-judge Constitution Bench, Justice Chinnappa Reddy's separate but concurring judgment in that case must have been considered binding on Supreme Court Benches comprising fewer than five judges.

Azadi Bachao case

In 2003, in the Azadi Bachao Andolan case, a two-judge Bench of the Supreme Court upheld the government's appeal against the Delhi High Court judgment quashing Circular No.789 of April 13, 2000. This circular stated that the Mauritius Tax Residency Certificate issued by the Mauritius Tax Office was a sufficient evidence for accepting the status of residence and beneficial ownership for applying the Convention on the Avoidance of Double Taxation between India and Mauritius executed on April 1, 1983.

The then National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government had issued the circular because the tax authorities in India had issued notices to some shell companies incorporated in Mauritius with the purpose to invest funds in India. But these companies were controlled and managed from countries other than India and Mauritius. The circular was ostensibly aimed at instilling confidence among foreign investors who used the Mauritius route.

In the Vodafone case, the Central government submitted before the Supreme Court that the two-judge Bench wrongly decided the Azadi case. The government continues to insist that Circular No.789 is legally valid. But it is unhappy that the Bench in the Azadi case applied the McDowell ratio incorrectly while restoring the circular.

The McDowell ratio is that artificial tax avoidance devices must be brought within the tax net. Both the Azadi and Vodafone Benches of the Supreme Court, however, interpreted the ratio to mean that only colourable tax avoidance devices could be brought within the tax net. If the tax authorities try to prove precisely that a particular device is colourable by adopting a “look through” test, the effort fails as in the Vodafone case. Therefore, there is considerable force in the Central government's plea that the Supreme Court decided wrongly the Azadi and Vodafone cases by its flawed interpretation of the McDowell ratio. If a device is apparently meant to avoid tax, then it should be brought under the tax net no matter whether it is colourable or not.

There is one more reason to worry about the Supreme Court's judgment in the Vodafone case. The court has held that the offshore transaction is a bona fide structured FDI investment into India which fell outside India's territorial tax jurisdiction and was hence not taxable.

In its review petition filed before the Supreme Court, the Central government pointed out that the Vodafone transaction did not involve any inflow of monies into India because the sale consideration was paid outside India and therefore was not a case of FDI into India at all. The government has pointed out that the court failed to appreciate that the FDI policy of the Government of India was unrelated to the instant case because it did not involve any investment or inflow of money into India. The government made it clear that its FDI policy and the interpretation of taxation statutes operate in two different realms.

Whatever the outcome of this review petition in the Supreme Court, the Vodafone judgment, with its myriad aspects, will have a profound influence on Indian tax jurisprudence.

It makes sense to conclude with what Justice Chinnappa Reddy said in the McDowell judgment: “There is the sense of injustice and inequality which tax avoidance arouses in the breasts of those who are unwilling or unable to profit by it…. Last but not the least is the ethics (to be precise, the lack of it) of transferring the burden of tax liability to the shoulders of the guileless good citizens from those of ‘artful dodgers'.”

To the defenders of the Vodafone-Hutch deal, these observations of Justice Chinnappa Reddy may appear to be totally unnecessary to decide the facts of the McDowell case. To many, however, he had the foresight to anticipate that tax avoidance could take ingenious forms, and that it was unfair to accord it any legitimacy.'via Blog this'

Thursday, March 8, 2012

Of judges and their philosophies - From The Frontline

Of judges and their philosophies:

V. VENKATESAN
Interview with Prof. Mohan Gopal, director, Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies, New Delhi.



PROFESSOR Mohan Gopal, director of the Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies, (RGICS), New Delhi, is concerned about the implications of the Vodafone judgment for governance. He is well known for his scholarship in constitutional, and his previous tenures, as the head of the National Law School, Bangalore, and the National Judicial Academy, Bhopal, have been inspiring to both students and practitioners of law. Excerpts from an interview he gave Frontline:

What, according to you, are the legal flaws in the Vodafone judgment?

The issue is not whether the judgment is legally flawed. A sound legal argument can be canvassed in support of the two opposing contentions in this case – as is seen in the quite brilliant judgment of Justice Dhananjay Chandrachud in the Bombay High Court on the one hand, and in the erudite, succinct and tightly reasoned judgment of the Chief Justice of India on the other – both excellent judgments although they reach opposite conclusions.

What distinguishes the two judgments is in fact the bona fide differences in judicial approaches of the two judges as individuals, not the state of the law or the facts of the case. Justice Chandrachud's judgment is acutely concerned about judicial deference to the legislature in a democracy. He writes:

“Judicial doctrine which is designedly intended by the Constitution to be isolated from the rough and tumble of democratic accountability to electoral colleges must, therefore, be structured so as not to intrude upon the field of legislative policies which lies within the domain of Parliament.”

Justice Kapadia's judgment takes careful account of the business environment and foreign direct investment needs.

Justice [K.S.] Radhakrishnan, in his concurring judgment, writes, “FDI… is indispensable for growing economy like India [ sic]”.

The fact of the matter, well recognised in the jurisprudential school called legal realism, is that the individual approach of the judge is even more decisive in judicial decisions than the law or the facts.

What would have happened if, hypothetically, in this case, Justice Chandrachud had been in the Supreme Court and Justice Kapadia and Justice Radhakrishnan in the High Court? The consequences for the country would have been enormous. We may have been able, for example, to receive billions of dollars of additional tax revenue and bridge a part of the affordability gap for universal coverage in the food security policy.

If this is the case, has not the time now come in India for us also to engage with the issue of the personal approach and philosophy of judges more openly and directly – as other democracies do? How long will we stick to the legal fiction that the personal background and the social, economic and political philosophies of judges do not enter their judicial decision-making?

Judges should be firmly committed to the values and philosophy of our Constitution (not to the government or party of the day) because they have assumed for themselves the role of guardians of the Constitution.

ATUL YADAV/PTI

CHIEF JUSTICE OF INDIA S.H. Kapadia and (below) Justice Dhananjay Y. Chandrachud of the Bombay High Court.

What is the relevance of the constitutional philosophy to this judgment? I would argue that the Bombay High Court judgment is more in line with the constitutional philosophy than the Supreme Court judgment for two reasons. First, the passage from Chandrachud shows a conscious judicial deference to the legislature, based explicitly on the constitutional vision. Second, the Bombay High Court judgment is more in line with the constitutional scheme of the role of the state as a proactive guardian of the public interest (rather than a state that yields excessively to the market). It provides greater latitude for the state to safeguard public interest in collecting taxes (badly needed for development) by “looking through” rather than merely “looking at” complex financial arrangements in a globalised world in which not only investment and growth but crime and embezzlement are also on the rise.

The Supreme Court judgment, on the other hand, reveals an approach that is concerned about limiting tax investigation and encouraging investment flows into the country.

SHASHI ASHIWAL


Neither judgment, in my view, adequately reflects the constitutional philosophy towards the obligation of citizens and corporates in a poor country to pay taxes to the fullest extent required by law, rather than plan to avoid or evade them.

What are the consequences of the judgment for tax revenue and development?

The Supreme Court judgment places important limitations on the revenue authorities. The “look at/look through” framework is in my view, neither valid nor justifiable, and as the Supreme Court itself suggests, this is a matter of legislative policy. This should be corrected. Equally, the excessively narrow interpretation of the tax nexus with India will also have to be corrected. Unless this is done, the consequences for revenue and development will be negative without any prospect of commensurate growth in investment – except perhaps growth in the number of well-disguised fraudulent tax schemes that will hide coyly behind “look at” limits!

It is pointed out that the principle of recusal is not relevant in this case because the Chief Justice's son, Hoshnar Kapadia, joined Ernst & Young – a firm which advised Vodafone on its tax dispute – after the February 2007 deal, and that he joined E&Y India and not E&Y U.K. It is also pointed out that the Income Tax Department used E&Y U.K.'s report as evidence against Vodafone.

I do not know the facts. From what I have seen in the media, the conflict of interest argument seems far-fetched in terms of currently accepted judicial standards for recusal. Chief Justice Kapadia has a well-deserved and hard-earned reputation for the highest integrity. We should avoid raising questions about the integrity of public officials so lightly.

The judges seem to have reached the decision by their curious interpretation of the McDowell judgment (Para 64). Is their interpretation of the McDowell judgment, especially Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy's observations on the need to depart from the “Westminster” principle, correct?

I am not persuaded by the Supreme Court's interpretation of McDowell in this case. In my view, Justice Chinnappa Reddy and the majority were equally clear in their decision to depart from the Westminster principle, and the Vodafone judgment erred in not following Justice Chinnappa Reddy's holding in this regard.

Did the Bench miss the subtle distinction between tax planning and tax avoidance and tax avoidance and tax evasion?

Not all tax planning is bona fide. I hope the judgment will not be read as giving a green signal to all tax planning even if the plan is to evade or avoid taxes.

As a matter of political philosophy derived from Gandhian values that underlie our Constitution, I would argue that tax reduction, avoidance and evasion should all be considered illegitimate. The purpose of the Constitution and the state it constitutes is to bring about a social revolution to bring swaraj to the masses. This has been well recognised, including by the Supreme Court of India (see for example the judgment in the S.P. Gupta case). The state has inadequate resources to improve the lot of the poorest, as we are repeatedly told. If this is the case, the policy of the state and the duty of corporates must be to collect, and to contribute, as much tax as possible under the law. Business transactions must be designed to achieve business goals. Tax avoidance, evasion or reduction may be a relevant business goal in rich countries, but not in India. This vision should guide Indian courts. The blind adoption by courts of British tax jurisprudence in this regard without due consideration of the differences in the role and need for taxes in a poor country such as India, and our constitutional values, is unfortunate.

Narrow interpretation

The exclusion of “indirect transfers” from Section 9 of the Income Tax Act and, as a consequence, the refusal to consider it as a “look through” provision was another setback to the I.T. Department. Was the Supreme Court correct in interpreting Section 9 in the manner that it did?

The excessively narrow interpretation of Section 9 is not in my view adequately justified in the judgment. There was no intention on the part of the legislature to exclude indirect transfers. It is not clear how this provision was in effect “read down”. This matter may need to be corrected legislatively.

In Paragraph 73, the Bench seeks to distinguish between preordained transaction (created for tax avoidance purposes) and a transaction which evidences investment to participate. In the latter, a dissecting approach is not warranted. Is the Bench correct in its emphasis on the “look at” approach rather than on the dissecting approach?

It is not clear how the tax authorities would be able to determine whether a transaction is intended for tax avoidance or evasion or for investment to participate unless the transaction is first “looked through” carefully and “dissected”. The Supreme Court judgment itself appears to “dissect” the impugned transaction in some detail, rather than merely “look at” it, before concluding that it was not intended for tax avoidance. After the dissection, the judgment seems to suggest that the transaction should be analysed “as a whole” rather than its individual elements looked at in isolation.

Again, if individual elements clearly show a plan for tax evasion, it is not clear how they can be ignored by the tax authorities. These distinctions appear interesting from a theoretical point of view, but may be very difficult to apply.

Do you think ‘Azadi' was incorrectly decided?

In the relevant part of the Azadi judgment the Supreme Court overturned a Delhi High Court judgment that [to use the Vodafone terminology] upheld a “look through” approach and struck down a “look at” approach that was mandated by an impugned circular. In so doing, the Supreme Court limited the role of the tax authorities, who have duties and responsibilities to investigate the true nature of transactions. However, in that case, the “look at” limit came from the executive itself in the form of the impugned circular, rather than from the judiciary. As a result, the Supreme Court cannot be faulted in the Azadi case for upholding a policy choice – erroneous as it may have been – made by the executive.

The “look at”/“look through” distinction should be removed and the tax authorities should be fully empowered to investigate transactions as needed (with adequate safeguards against harassment and corruption).

Justice Radhakrishnan has held in paragraph 90 of his judgment that the principle of Duke of Westminster is still valid. Your comments.

The concurring judgment does not quite say that the Westminster case is still valid. It simply says, in effect, that it is not fully dead. So we may conclude that the “Duke of Westminster” case is in a deep coma and hence not of any functional relevance.

In any case, the time has come, 65 years after Independence, for us to develop the confidence to decide our tax cases without relying on whether or not old English decisions are dead, alive or in a coma.

'via Blog this'

Friday, February 17, 2012

‘Amending power is unique' - From the Frontline

‘Amending power is unique':

'via Blog this'

T.R. ANDHYARUJINA: "In the Kesavananda case external political forces operated for over 66 days."

TEHMTAN R. ANDHYARUJINA, a Senior Advocate in the Supreme Court of India, faced a lot of criticism from his colleagues, especially Soli J. Sorabjee, who was a junior to Nani Palkhivala during the hearing of the Kesavananda case, that his latest book, The Kesavananda Bharati Case: The Untold Story of Struggle for Supremacy by Supreme Court and Parliament, was a wasted effort. The former Solicitor-General took the flak in his stride, saying, “The purpose of my book is only to give a historical account of how the basic structure doctrine came to be established in our constitutional law.” Excerpts from an interview he gave Frontline:

Your book suggests that the inviolability of the basic structure doctrine was a dubious view of the majority of the Kesavananda Bench. What should have been the ratio of that judgment?

Extracting the ratio from the 11 judgments should have been the task of either the 13-judge Bench or a subsequent Bench. It is difficult to say what would have been the ratio on a proper judicial exercise. Had that exercise been done, there may not have been a majority holding that there is a limitation of the basic structure of the Constitution in amending the Constitution. There was no majority for any implied limitation on the amending power as Justice [H.R.] Khanna had rejected the implied limitations on the Constitution. What would have been extracted as the ratio of the Kesavananda case by a later Bench is a matter of speculation. This difficult exercise was purposely avoided by Chief Justice [S.M.] Sikri when he created the so-called View by the Majority note and passed it around for signatures of the judges on April 24, 1973.

In the concluding chapter, you concede that the basic structure doctrine is so deeply enshrined in our constitutional law that it would not be shaken even by the knowledge of the process by which it came to be formulated. What then is the purpose of the book, if it is not to make readers question that long-held belief?

It is correct that the basic structure theory has become an axiom of our constitutional law and one cannot imagine any Bench of the Supreme Court annulling that theory. It is also true that for whatever reason and method the majority view was arrived at, the axiom of unamendability of the basic structure of the Constitution has had a salutary check and control on the amending power. The purpose of my book is only to give a historical account of how the basic structure doctrine came to be established in our constitutional law. After this case, Parliament and the government gained by different approaches on its social and economic policies, which the court did not interfere with merely because some fundamental right was perceived to be violated. In that sense, the judgment served a useful purpose to society.

Can you explain how the then government sought to appoint judges before the hearing of the case?

After the Golaknath case, the government took a predominant role in the appointment process. By and large the new government nominees, though men of eminence and distinction, decided in favour of the unlimited power of Parliament except Justice A.K. Mukherjea. After Golaknath, the initiative came from the government. Justice Sikri was initially reluctant to appoint Justices [M.H.] Beg and [S.N.] Dwivedi. The government prevailed upon him. He selected Justice Khanna. The government accepted it. The relations between Justice Sikri and Indira Gandhi were also strained.

Justice Sikri had to choose 13 out of the then total strength of 15 judges to hear the Kesavananda case [the earlier relevant case, Golaknath, was decided by 11 judges and the Kesavananda Bench had to be bigger than that]. There were just two remaining judges who did not have a long tenure: Justice [V.] Alagirisamy and Justice Inder Dev Dua. But their tenure could have been extended in the form of ad hoc judges [and could have been chosen to be part of the Kesavananda Bench to replace Justices Sikri and J.M. Shelat]. The general practice is when your view is being reviewed, propriety requires that you recuse yourself from the Bench. But nobody raised objections [against Justices Sikri and Shelat being on the Kesavananda Bench because they were earlier part of the majority judges on the Golaknath Bench].

You mention that there was a move to exclude Justice Beg, a pro-government judge, from the Bench after 66 days of hearing on his hospitalisation. Who was behind this move?

It is unfortunate that a strong attempt was made by the petitioners and the CJI [Chief Justice of India] to exclude him on his third and last illness. His exclusion would not have changed the number of the majority, as the majority would have still prevailed with 7:5 instead of 7:6. In a case with such political overtones, the [likely] exclusion of Justice Beg at the last moment created tensions. It was felt that if the case was adjourned for the return of Justice Beg, the case would have prolonged beyond the retirement of CJI Sikri and the whole effort of the 13-judge Bench would have come to naught. Therefore, the petitioners and the CJI wanted to drop Justice Beg from the Bench and proceed as if there were 12 judges. The illness of Justice Beg at the crucial moment was interpreted as some sort of a game plan of the government to put an end to the case. The petitioners believed that it was a move to favour the government. As a result, Justice Beg was retained on the Bench, with Palkhivala being asked to give written submissions. It was a serious illness, but the question was whether his illness would go beyond the tenure of Justice Sikri.

The Attorney-General had threatened to walk out if Justice Beg was dropped. [Justice H.M.] Seervai supported him. Without one judge on the Bench, the legitimacy of the judgment would have come into question. Palkhivala, therefore, submitted to the government's wish, and agreed to close his oral arguments on the 66th day.

By signing the View by the Majority note, did the neutral judges not apply their minds? You suggest that some of them reluctantly signed it because of constraints of time as Justice Sikri was due to retire.

The only judge who said that he signed the View by the Majority note to accommodate Sikri was Justice Y.V. Chandrachud. The rest of the judges, except Mukherjea, were by and large committed to the view of Parliament not having the amending power to change the basic structure. It would not have made any difference to the ultimate result, as at least five of the judges were clearly in favour of limiting Parliament's amending power, and, one judge, Justice Khanna, was in favour of limiting its powers only on the grounds of basic structure. The absence of judicial conference does not invalidate the judgment. The view by the majority cannot be considered invalid because of the absence of a judges' conference [preceding it], but it had become dubious because it was a hurriedly prepared paper passed on for signatures just before the judgment was delivered.

You have also claimed that the then government was in possession of some of the draft judgments before they were delivered. What was the basis of this claim?

The government decided on the supersession of judges even before the judgment was delivered in open court. Kuldip Nayar, in his book, says that Chief Justice Sikri queried Justice Beg. Justice Dwivedi said [after his appointment] that he was going to the Supreme Court to reverse Golaknath. Justice Beg was the nominee of Indira Gandhi. The government had advance notice of the views of the judges. Justice Mukherjea, Justice P. Jagannatha Reddy, Justice Chandrachud and Justice Khanna did not give the impression of being one way or the other. They appeared to be uncommitted. So, they would tilt the balance. Justice Reddy, on his own, came to more or less the same conclusion as the Sikri-led judges.

Justice Mukherjea wrote a joint judgment with Justice Hegde. Justice Khanna took a midway position. Justice Chandrachud was perceived by the petitioners to be in favour of limiting the amending power by some of his statements in the court, and the fact that he had been invited by Justice Sikri to the only judicial conference of like-minded judges. Therefore, his writing a judgment in favour of Parliament was a great surprise. This gave rise to the rumour that he had been influenced by the then Law Minister H.R. Gokhale and retired Chief Justice Gajendragadkar [a family friend of Chandrachud]. Justice Chandrachud later said that he was entitled to change his views. He denied that he was influenced by Gokhale and Justice Gajendragadkar.

Why did Chief Justice A.N. Ray dissolve the 13-judge Bench to review the Kesavananda judgment within two days of its constitution in 1976? You have speculated on the reasons, like his isolation on the Bench, Palkhivala's letter to the Prime Minister on the eve of the hearing protesting against the move, and so on. Can you elaborate?

I think the 13-judge Bench was constituted by Justice A.N. Ray to review the Kesavananda case without any judicial order and there was no indication why the case was required to be reviewed. This was the strongest reason advanced by Palkhivala. On this point, neither Chief Justice Ray nor Attorney-General Niran De was able to give a convincing answer. And from the observations of other judges, this question was a worrying one. Therefore, in my view, Ray could not carry the majority with him to review the Kesavananda case, and on the third day, he felt compelled to dissolve the Bench without any reason.

How would you interpret Justice Ray's legacy?

Chief Justice Ray's acceptance of the CJI post is often misunderstood. It was not he who manoeuvred it but the government. After knowing the views of the judges who were going to decide against Parliament, the government decided that the next CJI should not be a judge from among those judges. It is now known that the government even asked Justice K.K. Mathew whether he would accept the position of the CJI. But he declined. Chief Justice Ray himself was reluctant to be the CJI in such a controversial way, but he was told that if he did not accept the position, the government was determined to go down the line and appoint any other judge who would consent to be the CJI. Therefore, Justice Ray accepted the position with reluctance.

Your mentor H.M. Seervai changed his view after the Emergency that the doctrine of basic structure was required for Indian democracy as without it many of the abuses of power during the Emergency could not have been reversed legally. Do you similarly support the doctrine now, even while legally questioning its birth?

In the Kesavananda case, it was argued that the amending power could be abused. It was not an unknown fact. But that could never be the reason for cutting down any power. Seervai changed his view for personal reasons. Today, after 38 years, one can say that as a matter of political argument a check on the amending power is always to be welcomed. In other countries, the amending power is not subjected to such judicial constraints, except in Bangladesh. Any power is capable of being abused and the fact of the abuse is never a ground for limiting the governing power.

The difficulty in ascertaining the basic structure is that it is a highly nebulous and subjective standard. It gives a vital power to the judiciary, which was never contemplated by the Constitution makers. It is true that Parliamentary and executive misuse is something that requires judicial correction and which is done in the normal course. But the amending power is a unique power, which cannot be compared with the ordinary legislative or executive power. The amending power is a quasi-political power and its validity may not be within the domain of the executive, which is a view taken in most jurisdictions of the world, including, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and South Africa. It is a unique power to create the Constitution. Judges are bound by the Constitution.

All constitutional cases, in a sense, are political. In the Kesavananda case the external political forces operated for over 66 days, and in that sense it was not a normal, constitutional case deciding political issues.