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Showing posts with label supreme court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label supreme court. Show all posts

Sunday, August 8, 2021

National Green Tribunal Prohibits the Use of RO Water Purifiers - Upheld by Supreme Court

 Most of us use RO water as an abundant caution to protect ourselves from waterborne diseases. We ignore the fact that atleast 4 parts of water is needed to produce 1 part of RO water resulting in gross wastage of water. This wastage of potable water just for luxury/ status to a person is indeed criminal.

At the same time, it has to be borne in mind that the groundwater is polluted, heavy, full of hazardous metals, and its consumption in raw form would result in a number of critical illness. The water of the rivers has also been contaminated due to discharge of untreated sewage  & industrial effluents directly in the rivers making the river water venomous & unfit for consumption. 

National Green Tribunal vide its order dated May 28, 2019, directed the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF) to issue by the year-end a notification banning RO purifiers where total dissolved solids (TDS) in water are below 500 milligrams per litre. 

A bench headed by NGT Chairperson Justice Adarsh Kumar Goel granted more time to MoEF after it informed the tribunal that the exercise could not be completed due to coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. The tribunal was hearing a plea filed by NGO Friends seeking conservation of potable water by preventing its wastage on account of unnecessary use of RO systems.

In a bid to regulate the use of RO purifiers, the NGT had directed the government to prohibit them where TDS is below 500 mg per litre and to sensitize the public about the ill-effects of demineralized water. The tribunal has also asked the government to make it mandatory to recover more than 60% water wherever RO is permitted across the country.

TDS is made up of inorganic salts as well as small amounts of organic matter. As per a WHO study, TDS levels below 300 mg per litre are considered to be excellent, while 900 mg per litre is said to be poor and above 1200 mg is unacceptable. Reverse Osmosis (RO) is a water treatment process that removes contaminants from water by using pressure to force molecules through a semipermeable membrane.

The order had come after perusing an expert committee report which said that if TDS is less than 500 milligrams per litre, a RO system will not be useful but will result in removing important minerals as well as cause undue wastage of water.

Source 

The National Green Tribunal (NGT) directed the Ministry of Environment to issue a notification by December 31, 2020, to ban use of all RO (Reverse Osmosis) Purifiers, wherein the TDS i.e. Total Dissolved Solids in the water is less than 500mg per litre of water. It is worth mentioning that according to the Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS), the upper limit of TDS level in water is 500 ppm as against WHO guidelines for 300 ppm. The World Health Organization considers TDS  level less than 300 mg/litre as excellent, between 300 and 600 mg/liter as good, 600-900 as fair, 900 – 1200 as poor and TDS level above 1200 mg/liter as unacceptable.

Source

The NGT’s order prohibiting the use of RO water purifiers has given a severe jolt to the manufacturers. RO water purifiers have become an indispensable household item for any general Indian household today. The public to avoid consumption of polluted water and associated health benefits have been hugely investing in RO water purifiers. 

However, the NGT through its expert committee report has highlighted that RO water purifier system demineralizes water in areas where TDS in water is less than 500 milligram/ litre, thereby making it unhealthy for human consumption.

Aggrieved by NGT’s impugned order, the Water Quality Association of India i.e. manufacturers of RO purifiers had also approached the Supreme Court, wherein the Apex Court directed the appellants to approach the Ministry and point out to the Ministry the material the appellants have in possession against the ban imposed by NGT prohibiting use of RO water purifiers in such areas.

Source

The Supreme Court has refused to stay the May 2019 order of the National Green Tribunal (NGT) that banned the use of reverse osmosis (RO) systems where drinking water supply had total dissolved solids (TDS) less than 500 mg per litre.

Hearing a petition filed by Water Quality India Association (WQIA), a body of RO companies on November 22, 2019, the court said that the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) was already in consultation with it to implement the tribunal’s order. Therefore, whatever the association had to say, it should tell the ministry within ten days.

The NGT had passed the order on the basis of  a joint report submitted by the National Environmental Engineering Research Institute (Neeri), the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) and Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi.

The report had accused the RO companies of running a ‘misinformation campaign’ by claiming the technology can remove not just dissolved solids but all other impurities. The reality, the report said, is that RO is used worldwide only for desalination (treating dissolved solids).

Besides being a waste of resources, the NGT order had also noted that the use of RO technology was leading to wastage of water. The order had said that most RO systems recovered only 20 per cent water after treatment and the rest was wasted.

Source

Other than wasting too much water, RO systems, especially those that come without a TDS controller, often deprive drinking water of essential salts which are naturally present in the purest water found in nature and provide us with a wide variety of essential and trace minerals.

For example, if you install a RO water purifier in an area where the TDS level in water is say 400 mg/ltr, then after the RO purification process, the TDS in purified water will drop to 40 or 50 mg/liter. This is too low TDS and such water might be acidic in PH, taste bad, and maybe bad for health in the long term. It is therefore a good idea to ban RO water purifiers in areas where total dissolved solids (TDS) in the supplied water are below 500 mg per litre.

Source


Saturday, March 10, 2018

Plea before Supreme Court to declare Muslim Polygamy and Nikah-Halala as criminal offences


A mother of three who was divorced twice through instant triple talaq has approached the Supreme Court to declare polygamy and Nikah Halala as unconstitutional among Muslims.

Earlier, BJP leader Ashwini Upadhyay had filed a plea seeking a complete prohibition on polygamy and Nikah Halala for violating fundamental rights of Muslim women.

One of the earlier such pleas heard and decided by the court was that of Shayara Bano who had approached the apex court to declare triple talaq as a violation of gender justice. A five-judge bench had declared instant talaq to be an un-Islamic practice and struck it down.

Sameena Begum was first married in 1999 and she produced two sons. After repeated abuse and a consequent police complaint, she was given triple talaq. She was forced to marry again but to an already married man. After she got pregnant again, she was given triple talaq over the phone after a trivial argument.

Now, Sameena lives alone with her three children. She said she has filed the PIL not only for herself but also for others who have suffered the same plight.

She requested the court that Section 2 of Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act, 1937, be declared as arbitrary and violating Articles 14, 15, 21 and 25 of the Constitution, insofar as it seeks to recognise and validate polygamy and Nikah Halala.

It has also requested the court to ensure that provisions of the Indian Penal Code, 1860, are applicable on all Indian citizens. The plea also sought recognition that "triple talaq is a cruelty under IPC Section 498A, Nikah-Halala is rape under IPC Section 375, polygamy is an offence under Section 494 of the IPC".

"The concept of polygamy was allowed in this verse (Quran) because of utmost concern for the welfare of women and orphans who were left behind in the battle. It is pertinent to mention that by no means it is a general licence to Muslims in present times to marry with more than one woman. Besides it puts onus on them to treat the additional spouses justly, which is admittedly a difficult task," the plea said.

Bearing a similarity with the triple talaq plea, the plea too has cited international laws and countries where polygamy has been prohibited.

It also noted that polygamy is totally prohibited in Tunisia and Turkey. "In countries like Indonesia, Iraq, Somalia, Syria, Pakistan and Bangladesh, it is permissible only if authorised by the prescribed authority," it said.

Sameena said, “Equality should be the basis of all personal law since the Constitution envisages equality, justice and dignity for women."

​The petitioner contended that though it is illegal for Muslim women to marry a second time during subsistence of first marriage but "there is no requirement for Muslim husband so that the permission of the first wife is to be taken before contracting second marriage".

Source:  News18.com

Tuesday, March 21, 2017

A silent Regular Blood donor .... Guess who?

40 ವರ್ಷಗಳಿಂದ ಪ್ರತಿ ಮೂರು ತಿಂಗಳಿಗೊಮ್ಮೆ ರಕ್ತದಾನ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿರುವ ಸುಪ್ರೀಂಕೋರ್ಟ್ ಮುಖ್ಯನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರು..!

Since 40 years, every three months the Hon'ble Chief Justice of India has been donating blood.

ನಮ್ಮ ಸಮಾಜದಲ್ಲಿ ರಕ್ತದಾನ ಮಾಡುವವರ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆ ತುಂಬಾ ಕಡಿಮೆ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಬಹುದು. ಯಾರಾದರೂ ತಮ್ಮ ಕುಟುಂಬ ಸದಸ್ಯರು, ಬಂಧುಗಳು, ಸ್ನೇಹಿತರಿಗೆ ಅವಶ್ಯಕತೆ ಇದ್ದರೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ರಕ್ತದಾನ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಯಾರೋ ಕೆಲವರು ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಭಿನ್ನವಾಗಿ ಯೋಚಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅಂತಹ ಕೆಲವರಲ್ಲಿ ಅವರು ಒಬ್ಬರು. ಆದರೆ ಅವರು ಸಾಧಾರಣ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಯಲ್ಲ. ಭಾರತದ ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ಮುಖ್ಯ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶ. ಅಂತಹ ಅತ್ಯುನ್ನತ ಪದವಿಯಲ್ಲಿದ್ದು ಸಹ ರಕ್ತದಾನ ಮಾಡುವುದನ್ನು ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಿಲ್ಲ.

Not everyone in India willingly or of his own accord consents for blood donation, unless the life of a friend or relative is at stake.
But the Chief Justice of Supreme Court o India, has set an example for all of us.

ಎಷ್ಟೇ ಉನ್ನತ ಸ್ಥಾನದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದರೂ ಪ್ರತಿಯೊಬ‌್ಬರು ತಮ್ಮ ಕನಿಷ್ಠ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಜವಾಬ್ದಾರಿಯನ್ನು ಮರೆಯಬಾರದೆಂದು  Chief Justice ಜಗದೀಶ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಹೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ.
He says everyone should have a Basic or Minimum sense of Social Responsibility irrespective of his position  or status in life.

ಇವರಿಗೆ ವಯಸ್ಸಾದರೂ ಸಹ ರಕ್ತದಾನ ಮಾಡುವುದನ್ನು ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಿಲ್ಲ.  ಇವರನ್ನು ಎಲ್ಲರೂ ಆದರ್ಶವಾಗಿ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಂಡರೆ ಎಷ್ಟೋ ಜನರ ಬದುಕಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಬೆಳಕು ತಂದವರಾಗುತ್ತವೆ.

Despite his age and attaining the highest Constitutional Position CJ Jagadish Singh Kehar has not stopped Blood Donation. He is a role model for everyone.

ಇನ್ನೊಂದು ವಿಷಯ… CJ ಜಗದೀಶ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಹಾಗೆ ರಕ್ತದಾನ ಮಾಡುವುದನ್ನು ಯಾರಿಗೂ ತಿಳಿಸಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ.

This fact came to light just recently when the CJ had been to AIIMS Delhi to donate blood as usual, and was not known in thepublic realm all these years.

Source - https://kannada.ap2tg.com/supreme-court-chief-justice-participating-in-blood-donations-from-40-years/

Saturday, June 25, 2016

Personal Laws on the basis of Religion - A Trap





Supreme Court asked the government to file a copy of the report of a committee that is inquiring into personal laws relating to marriage, divorce and custody. Unsurprisingly, the uniform civil code (UCC) debate has been revived. The nationalists want a UCC to further their cultural majoritarian project. They cite the directive in Article 44 of the Constitution requiring the state to “endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code”. The All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) sees the continued existence of Muslim personal law as a symbol of a distinct Indian Muslim identity and an area of law with divine sanction and, therefore, beyond the purview of temporal government. It uses the constitutional guarantee of the “right freely to profess, practise and propagate religion”.






Between these intransigent outposts stands the baffled liberal citizen. She worries about the AIMPLB’s indifference to another constitutional right in Article 15, which prohibits the state from discrimination on the grounds of sex, and rejects the claimed divine immunity because it is contrary to public reason. She is also skeptical of the Hindu right’s hypocritical use of the anti-discrimination argument, given its predilection to enforce gender norms and indifference to the discriminatory tax implications of the Hindu Undivided Family. Often forgotten are nuanced interventions by the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan, the All India Muslim Women Personal Law Board, Awaaz-e-Niswaan, and countless individual litigants.




Source - http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/the-trap-of-personal-laws-uniform-civil-code-aimplb-supreme-court-2775249/

Sunday, February 8, 2015

Milk Adulteration to be Punishable with Life Imp.



In a significant statement with wide implications, the Centre on Wednesday told the Supreme Court that it has formed a highlevel committee to consider if to make the offence of milk adulteration punishable by life imprisonment. It has agreed to the view of the court that the present penalty of six months in jails "was hardly a deterrent" for the menace which was most acute in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh.

An affidavit in the court by Rakesh Nayal, a senior official in the Union health ministry said the panel, headed by R.K. Jain, secretary of the National Disaster Management Authority, and representatives from Food Safety and Standard Authority of India will take a decision within 45 days.

The court had on December 12, 2014 taken serious exception to Centre's refusal to amend the law to make the offence punishable with life term. 
"What are you doing about it? In March we had given an ultimatum to the Centre to inform us if you are amending the law and we are now in December,"
the Bench said when Anurag Tomar, the lawyer for the petitioner in the PIL, pointed out the delay.

"After perusing the reports submitted by various states, prima-facie we are of the opinion that milk is being laced with white paint, caustic soda, detergent, shampoo, urea, starch and blotting paper and the practice is going unabated. The Centre must come out with necessary amendment to the Act with all seriousness to curb adulteration. We hope the government will take appropriate decision during the winter session of Parliament," the court had said.
The Bench had earlier said it would be foolish to go lightly on adulterators just because no grievous illness or death has been reported immediately after someone drinks milk laced with such poisonous substances. 
"The poisoning in the body is gradual and once it happens people think they are afflicted with cancer and nobody blames milk. Are you waiting for them to add cyanide in milk? Only then instant death will be caused for you to take action," 
the court had said.

The Bench suggested an amendment to the law after the Uttar Pradesh government said they faced a hurdle in prosecuting adulterators under the IPC and seeking their life imprisonment after the Allahabad High Court ruled in 2010 that the IPC cannot be invoked when the FSSA should prevail.


Source: India Today

Saturday, May 10, 2014

Supreme Court verdict on Adoptions


The three-Bench judgment of the Supreme Court of February 19 - Shabnam Hashmi vs the Union of India and Others, provided a considerable advancement in law on the issue of adoption. It ruled that all persons, irrespective of religion, caste and creed, have the option of adopting a child under the provisions of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) (JJ) Act 2000. However, it stopped short of declaring the right to adoption and the right of a child to be adopted as fundamental rights under Article 21 of the Constitution that guarantees right to life, citing "conflicting thought processes in this sphere of practices and belief prevailing in this country."

In India, issues relating to marriage and marital relationships, including adoption, have been historically governed by religion-based family laws - the Special Marriage Act of 1954 is the only exception. The Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act (HAMA) 1956 provides for adoption of children by married couples/single persons from the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain communities, while the Guardians and Wards Act 1890 provides for guardianship for persons not covered under the HAMA, including Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Jews. 

The difference between adoption and guardianship is significant: adoption allows the adopted child to be treated on par with the biological child in the eyes of the law, on all matters including that of inheriting property. In contrast, although guardianship provides an individual other than the parent of the child the opportunity to address and meet the physical, financial and psychological needs of the child, the biological parents' do not relinquish their rights over that child. Those not governed by HAMA can only be guardians of the children they have chosen to adopt until the enactment of the JJ Act 2000. This was the case with Shabnam Hashmi, too - the petitioner in the present case.

While the JJ Act 2000 Act made a mention of adoption as a form of rehabilitation and social reintegration of orphaned, abandoned and surrendered children, the 2006 amendment to the JJ Act defined adoption, and stated expressly that the legal status of adopted children would be on par with biological children. These provisions have been used for adoption, not only by non-Hindus but also by Hindus, for consecutive adoptions of children belonging to the same sex since HAMA stipulates that no person/couple can adopt a second child of the same sex as the first. 

However, until the present Supreme Court judgment came about, confusion remained as to whether the relevant provisions of the JJ Act superseded family laws of those communities that did not recognise adoption as legal. Doubts were raised citing various grounds - including that the JJ Act is not a specific adoption law, although it contains a provision for adoption; that the JJ Act does not mention adoption in its statement of objects and reasons; and that it does not expressly state that the Act supersedes other laws pertaining to adoption. The Supreme Court judgment has removed this confusion by clearly stating that the JJ Act provides an option to members of all religious communities to adopt a child.

Significantly, the Supreme Court thwarted the attempt of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) to contain adoption within the confines of family laws. It overruled the objections raised by the AIMPLB that Islamic law does not recognise adoption. The Board's opposition was not new. In 1972, it had opposed the Adoption of Children Bill 1972, aimed at providing a secular law on adoption. A subsequent Bill of 1980 on the same issue carved out an exception for the Muslim community.

Before the Supreme Court, the AIMPLB had argued that the "kafala" system under Islamic law provided for a childless couple to take care of a child's well-being, both emotional and material, but the child remained that of the biological parents. The Board wanted the court to issue a direction to all Child Welfare Committees "to keep in mind and follow the principles of Islamic law before declaring a Muslim child available for adoption". The AIMPLB's argument is far removed from reality, as many children who are given in adoption are those abandoned by their biological parents and whose religion and antecedents are not always known. The court did not concede to AIMPLB's request. 

By emphasising on the optional nature of the provisions of JJ Act 2000 and the agency of individuals in adopting a child under those provisions, and highlighting simultaneously the philosophy of rehabilitation and social integration of children, the Supreme Court rightly stated that though personal beliefs and faiths must be honoured, they cannot dictate the operations of the provisions of an enabling statute like the JJ Act. 

During the discourse on the Uniform Civil Code in the 1980s and 1990s, in addition to Muslims, Parsis too were opposed to making adoption available to members of their community. The Bombay Zoroastrian Jashan Committee had opposed The Adoption of Children Bill 1980 and demanded an exemption from its application for Parsis as in the case of Muslims. As K.J. Gandhi, erstwhile Secretary of the Federation of Parsi Zoroastrian Anjuman of India, once explained, Parsis would not like to adopt a non-Parsi child, as only Parsis are entitled to enter the fire temple and receive benefits from private Parsi trusts - thus adoption by Parsis would have to be of a Parsi child. In the recent proceedings, however, no representatives from the Parsi community intervened.

Adoption is not merely a legal issue; it has many social ramifications. India has a large number of children abandoned at birth. A petition to the Supreme Court filed in 2011 by a private adoption agency, Ashraya, had stated that there are about 11 million abandoned children in the country, 90 per cent of whom were girls - a testimony to the high son preference in Indian society. In addition, there are orphaned children and some who have been 'surrendered' by one or both parents who have chosen to relinquish their rights over them because of adverse personal circumstances. The central government informed the Supreme Court that in the months of January to September 2013, 19,884 adoptions had taken place, which is clearly a minuscule proportion of the actual number of abandoned kids whose fate can only be imagined. If these children are not placed for adoption and rightfully settled in caring families, they face the imminent risk of being trafficked for sex work, used as forced labour or end up in other equally horrendous situations. 

It is against this backdrop that we have to gauge the significance of the Supreme Court judgment. It may not lead to thousands flocking to adopt under the JJ Act with immediate effect. Certainly many practical obstacles remain for non-Hindus wishing to adopt by citing this judgment. Given strong ties with their religious communities, there are several who may even be reluctant to accept the judgment. Yet, there can be no denying that the judgment has extricated adoption from the labyrinth of family laws, and given it a universal application cutting across religious identities, just as the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (PWDVA) 2005 and Child Marriage Prohibition Act 2006 had done earlier. 

At its crux, adoption is a compelling way to meet the needs of children in dire need of a family even as it addresses the desires of persons and families who wish to raise a non-biological child as their own. 

(Saumya Uma is a researcher and trainer on gender, law and human rights.)

—(Women's Feature Service)
Source - http://www.kashmirtimes.in/newsdet.aspx?q=31947

Monday, April 28, 2014

Justice RM Lodha sworn in as the 41st Chief Justice of India

Justice R M Lodha. (Photo: PTI)
Justice R M Lodha. (Photo: PTI)

Justice Rajendra Mal Lodha was sworn in as the 41st Chief Justice of India on Sunday by President Pranab Mukherjee at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. He succeeds Justice P Sathasivam who had been heading the top court since July last.

At 64, Justice Lodha is the senior-most judge of the Supreme Court after Justice Sathasivam. He will have a brief tenure of five months as the Chief Justice as he is scheduled to retire on September 27. His name, as the next Chief Justice of India (CJI), was recommended by Justice Sathasivam.

As per the Memorandum of Procedure which governs the appointment of members of the higher judiciary, appointment to the office of the Chief Justice of India should be of the senior most judge of the Supreme Court considered fit to hold the office. It stipulates that the law minister would, at the appropriate time, seek the recommendation of the outgoing Chief Justice of India for the appointment of his successor. Under this process, after receipt of the recommendation of the CJI, the law minister puts it up to the prime minister who then advises the president in the matter of appointment.

Born in Jodhpur, Justice Lodha enrolled with the Bar Council of Rajasthan in February 1973. He practiced Law in the Rajasthan High Court and dealt with all branches of law - constitutional, civil, company, criminal, taxation and labour. He was elevated as a Permanent Judge of the Rajasthan High Court in January 1994. He was transferred to the Bombay High Court where he assumed office in February 1994.

Justice Lodha was transferred back to the Rajasthan High Court in February 2007. He had been the Administrative Judge of the Rajasthan High Court and was chairman of the State Judicial Academy. He was sworn in as the Chief Justice of the Patna High Court on May 13, 2008 and was elevated as a Judge of the Supreme Court on December 17, 2008.


Source: http://www.deccanchronicle.com/140427/nation-current-affairs/article/justice-r-m-lodha-be-sworn-new-chief-justice-india-today

Friday, April 25, 2014

Excerpts from the Judgement on TransGenders - National Legal Services Authority … Petitioner Versus Union of India and others

Judgment Source - http://www.legalcrystal.com/1137428

Court : Supreme

Judge : K.S. RADHAKRISHNAN and A.K. SIKRI

Decided On : Apr-15-2014

Appellant : National Legal Ser.Auth.

Respondent : Union of India & Ors.

Judgment:

REPORTABLE IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA CIVIL ORIGINAL JURISDICTION WRIT PETITION (CIVIL) NO.400 OF2012 National Legal Services Authority … Petitioner Versus Union of India and others … Respondents WITH WRIT PETITION (CIVIL) NO.604 OF2013

JUDGMENT

K.S. Radhakrishnan, J.

1. Seldom, our society realizes or cares to realize the trauma, agony and pain which the members of Transgender community undergo, nor appreciates the innate feelings of the members of the Transgender community, especially of those whose mind and body disown their biological sex. Our society often ridicules and abuses the Transgender community and in public places like railway stations, bus stands, schools, workplaces, malls, theatres, hospitals, they are sidelined and treated as untouchables, forgetting the fact that the moral failure lies in the society’s unwillingness to contain or embrace different gender identities and expressions, a mindset which we have to change.

2. We are, in this case, concerned with the grievances of the members of Transgender Community (for short ‘TG community’) who seek a legal declaration of their gender identity than the one assigned to them, male or female, at the time of birth and their prayer is that non-recognition of their gender identity violates Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution of India. Hijras/Eunuchs, who also fall in that group, claim legal status as a third gender with all legal and constitutional protection.

3. The National Legal Services Authority, constituted under the Legal Services Authority Act, 1997, to provide free legal services to the weaker and other marginalized sections of the society, has come forward to advocate their cause, by filing Writ Petition No.400 of 2012. Poojaya Mata Nasib Kaur Ji Women Welfare Society, a registered association, has also preferred Writ Petition No.604 of 2013, seeking similar reliefs in respect of Kinnar community, a TG community.

Their historical background and individual scenario has been stated in detail in the accompanying judgment rendered by my learned Brother. Few things which follow from this discussion are summed up below:
“(a) Though in the past TG in India was treated with great respect, that does not remain the scenario any longer. Attrition in their status was triggered with the passing of the Criminal Tribes Act, 1871 which deemed the entire community of Hijara persons as innately ‘criminal’ and ‘adapted to the systematic commission of non-bailable offences’. This dogmatism and indoctrination of Indian people with aforesaid presumption, was totally capricious and nefarious. There could not have been more harm caused to this community with the passing of the aforesaid brutal Legislation during British Regime with the vicious and savage this mind set. To add insult to the irreparable injury caused, Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code was misused and abused as there was a tendency, in British period, to arrest and prosecute TG persons under Section 377 merely on suspicion. To undergo this sordid historical harm caused to TGs of India, there is a need for incessant efforts with effervescence. (b) There may have been marginal improvement in the social and economic condition of TGs in India. It is still far from satisfactory and these TGs continue to face different kinds of economic blockade and social degradation. They still face multiple forms of oppression in this country. Discrimination qua them is clearly discernable in various fields including health care, employment, education, social cohesion etc. (c) The TGs are also citizens of this country. They also have equal right to achieve their full potential as human beings. For this purpose, not only they are entitled to proper education, social assimilation, access to public and other places but employment opportunities as well. The discussion above while dealing with the first issue, therefore, equally applies to this issue as well.

111. We are of the firm opinion that by recognizing such TGs as third gender, they would be able to enjoy their human rights, to which they are largely deprived of for want of this recognition. As mentioned above, the issue of transgender is not merely a social or medical issue but there is a need to adopt human right approach towards transgenders which may focus on functioning as an interaction between a person and their environment highlighting the role of society and changing the stigma attached to them. TGs face many disadvantages due to various reasons, particularly for gender abnormality which in certain level needs to physical and mental disability. Up till recently they were subjected to cruelty, pity or charity. Fortunately, there is a paradigm shift in thinking from the aforesaid approach to a rights based approach. Though, this may be the thinking of human rights activist, the society has not kept pace with this shift. There appears to be limited public knowledge and understanding of same-sex sexual orientation and people whose gender identity and expression are incongruent with their biological sex. As a result of this approach, such persons are socially excluded from the mainstream of the society and they are denied equal access to those fundamental rights and freedoms that the other people enjoy freely.(See, Hijras/Transgender Women in India: HIV, Human Rights and Social Exclusion, UNDP report on India Issue: December, 2010).

112. Some of the common and reported problem that transgender most commonly suffer are: harassment by the police in public places, harassment at home, police entrapment, rape, discriminations, abuse in public places et.al. The other major problems that the transgender people face in their daily life are discrimination, lack of educational facilities, lack of medical facilities, homelessness, unemployment, depression, hormone pill abuse, tobacco and alcohol abuse, and problems related to marriage and adoption. In spite of the adoption of Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in the year 1948, the inherent dignity, equality, respect and rights of all human beings throughout the world, the transgender are denied basic human rights. This denial is premised on a prevalent juridical assumption that the law should target discrimination based on sex (i.e., whether a person is anatomically male or female), rather than gender (i.e., whether a person has qualities that society consider masculine or feminine (Katherine M.Franke, The Central Mistake of Sex Discrimination Law: the Disaggregation of Sex from Gender, 144 U.Pa.Rev.1,3 (1995) (arguing that by defining sex in biological terms, the law has failed to distinguish sex from gender, and sexual differentiation from sex discrimination). Transgender people are generally excluded from the society and people think transgenderism as a medical disease. Much like the disability, which in earlier times was considered as an illness but later on looked upon as a right based approach. The question whether transgenderism is a disease is hotly debated in both the transgender and medical-psychiatric communities. But a prevalent view regarding this is that transgenderism is not a disease at all, but a benign normal variant of the human experience akin to left- handedness.

113. Therefore, gender identification becomes very essential component which is required for enjoying civil rights by this community. It is only with this recognition that many rights attached to the sexual recognition as ‘third gender’ would be available to this community more meaningfully viz. the right to vote, the right to own property, the right to marry, the right to claim a formal identity through a passport and a ration card, a driver’s license, the right to education, employment, health so on.

114. Further, there seems to be no reason why a transgender must be denied of basic human rights which includes Right to life and liberty with dignity, Right to Privacy and freedom of expression, Right to Education and Empowerment, Right against violence, Right against Exploitation and Right against Discrimination. Constitution has fulfilled its duty of providing rights to transgenders. Now it’s time for us to recognize this and to extend and interpret the Constitution in such a manner to ensure a dignified life of transgender people. All this can be achieved if the beginning is made with the recognition that TG as third gender.

115. In order to translate the aforesaid rights of TGs into reality, it becomes imperative to first assign them their proper ‘sex’. As is stated earlier, at the time of birth of a child itself, sex is assigned. However, it is either male or female. In the process, the society as well as law, has completely ignored the basic human right of TGs to give them their appropriate sex categorization. Up to now, they have either been treated as male or female. This is not only improper as it is far from truth, but indignified to these TGs and violates their human rights.

116. Though there may not be any statutory regime recognizing ‘third gender’ for these TGs. However, we find enough justification to recognize this right of theirs in natural law sphere. Further, such a justification can be traced to the various provisions contained in Part III of the Constitution relating to ‘Fundamental Rights’. In addition to the powerful justification accomplished in the accompanying opinion of my esteemed Brother, additional raison d’etre for this conclusion is stated hereinafter.

117. We are in the age of democracy, that too substantive and liberal democracy. Such a democracy is not based solely on the rule of people through their representatives’ namely formal democracy. It also has other percepts like Rule of Law, human rights, independence of judiciary, separation of powers etc.

118. There is a recognition to the hard realty that without protection for human rights there can be no democracy and no justification for democracy. In this scenario, while working within the realm of separation of powers (which is also fundamental to the substantive democracy), the judicial role is not only to decide the dispute before the Court, but to uphold the rule of law and ensure access to justice to the marginalized section of the society. It cannot be denied that TGs belong to the unprivileged class which is a marginalized section.

119. The role of the Court is to understand the central purpose and theme of the Constitution for the welfare of the society. Our Constitution, like the law of the society, is a living organism. It is based on a factual and social realty that is constantly changing. Sometimes a change in the law precedes societal change and is even intended to stimulate it. Sometimes, a change in the law is the result in the social realty. When we discuss about the rights of TGs in the constitutional context, we find that in order to bring about complete paradigm shift, law has to play more pre-dominant role. As TGs in India, are neither male nor female, treating them as belonging to either of the aforesaid categories, is the denial of these constitutional rights. It is the denial of social justice which in turn has the effect of denying political and economic justice.

120. In Dattatraya Govind Mahajan vs. State of Maharashtra (AIR1977SC915 this Court observed:

“Our Constitution is a tryst with destiny, preamble with luscent solemnity in the words ‘Justice – social, economic and political.’ The three great branches of Government, as creatures of the Constitution, must remember this promise in their fundamental role and forget it at their peril, for to do so will be a betrayal of chose high values and goals which this nation set for itself in its objective Resolution and whose elaborate summation appears in Part IV of the Paramount Parchment. The history of our country’s struggle for independence was the story of a battle between the forces of socio-economic exploitation and the masses of deprived people of varying degrees and the Constitution sets the new sights of the nation…..Once we grasp the dharma of the Constitution, the new orientation of the karma of adjudication becomes clear. Our founding fathers, aware of our social realities, forged our fighting faith and integrating justice in its social, economic and political aspects. While contemplating the meaning of the Articles of the Organic Law, the Supreme Court shall not disown Social Justice.”

121. Oliver Wendlle Holmes said:

“the life of law has been logical; it has been experience”. It may be added that ‘the life of law is not just logic or experience. The life of law is renewable based on experience and logic, which adapted law to the new social realty’. Recognizing this fact, the aforesaid provisions of the Constitution are required to be given new and dynamic meaning with the inclusion of rights of TGs as well. In this process, the first and foremost right is to recognize TGs as ‘third gender’ in law as well. This is a recognition of their right of equality enshrined in Art.14 as well as their human right to life with dignity, which is the mandate of the Art.21 of the Constitution. This interpretation is in consonance with new social needs. By doing so, this Court is only bridging the gap between the law and life and that is the primary role of the Court in a democracy. It only amounts to giving purposive interpretation to the aforesaid provisions of the Constitution so that it can adapt to the changes in realty. Law without purpose has no raison d’etre. The purpose of law is the evolution of a happy society. As Justice Iyer has aptly put:

“The purpose of law is the establishment of the welfare of society “and a society whose members enjoy welfare and happiness may be described as a just society. It is a negation of justice to say that some members, some groups, some minorities, some individuals do not have welfare: on the other hand they suffer from ill-fare. So it is axiomatic that law, if it is to fulfil itself, must produce a contented, dynamic society which is at once meting out justice to its members.”

122. It is now very well recognized that the Constitution is a living character; its interpretation must be dynamic. It must be understood in a way that intricate and advances modern realty. The judiciary is the guardian of the Constitution and by ensuring to grant legitimate right that is due to TGs, we are simply protecting the Constitution and the democracy inasmuch as judicial protection and democracy in general and of human rights in particular is a characteristic of our vibrant democracy.

123. As we have pointed out above, our Constitution inheres liberal and substantive democracy with rule of law as an important and fundamental pillar. It has its own internal morality based on dignity and equality of all human beings. Rule of law demands protection of individual human rights. Such rights are to be guaranteed to each and every human being. These TGs, even though insignificant in numbers, are still human beings and therefore they have every right to enjoy their human rights.

124. In National Human Rights Commission vs. State of Arunachal Pradesh (AIR1996SC1234, This Court observed:

“We are a country governed by the Rule of Law. Our Constitution confers certain rights on every human being and certain other rights on citizens. Every person is entitled to equality before the law and equal protection of the laws.”

125. The rule of law is not merely public order. The rule of law is social justice based on public order. The law exists to ensure proper social life. Social life, however, is not a goal in itself but a means to allow the individual to life in dignity and development himself. The human being and human rights underlie this substantive perception of the rule of law, with a proper balance among the different rights and between human rights and the proper needs of society. The substantive rule of law “is the rule of proper law, which balances the needs of society and the individual.”

This is the rule of law that strikes a balance between society’s need for political independence, social equality, economic development, and internal order, on the one hand, and the needs of the individual, his personal liberty, and his human dignity on the other. It is the duty of the Court to protect this rich concept of the rule of law.

126. By recognizing TGs as third gender, this Court is not only upholding the rule of law but also advancing justice to the class, so far deprived of their legitimate natural and constitutional rights. It is, therefore, the only just solution which ensures justice not only to TGs but also justice to the society as well. Social justice does not mean equality before law in papers but to translate the spirit of the Constitution, enshrined in the Preamble, the Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of State Policy into action, whose arms are long enough to bring within its reach and embrace this right of recognition to the TGs which legitimately belongs to them.

127. Aristotle opined that treating all equal things equal and all unequal things unequal amounts to justice. Kant was of the view that at the basis of all conceptions of justice, no matter which culture or religion has inspired them, lies the golden rule that you should treat others as you would want everybody to treat everybody else, including yourself. When Locke conceived of individual liberties, the individuals he had in mind were independently rich males. Similarly, Kant thought of economically self- sufficient males as the only possible citizens of a liberal democratic state. These theories may not be relevant in today’s context as it is perceived that the bias of their perspective is all too obvious to us. In post-traditional liberal democratic theories of justice, the background assumption is that humans have equal value and should, therefore, be treated as equal, as well as by equal laws. This can be described as ‘Reflective Equilibrium’. The method of Reflective Equilibrium was first introduced by Nelson Goodman in ‘Fact, Fiction and Forecast’ (1955). However, it is John Rawls who elaborated this method of Reflective Equilibrium by introducing the conception of ‘Justice as Fairness’. In his ‘Theory of Justice’, Rawls has proposed a model of just institutions for democratic societies. Herein he draws on certain pre-theoretical elementary moral beliefs (‘considered judgments’), which he assumes most members of democratic societies would accept. “[Justice as fairness [….]. tries to draw solely upon basic intuitive ideas that are embedded in the political institutions of a constitutional democratic regime and the public traditions of their interpretations. Justice as fairness is a political conception in part because it starts from within a certain political tradition. Based on this preliminary understanding of just institutions in a democratic society, Rawls aims at a set of universalistic rules with the help of which the justice of present formal and informal institutions can be assessed. The ensuing conception of justice is called ‘justice as fairness’. When we combine Rawls’s notion of Justice as Fairness with the notions of Distributive Justice, to which Noble Laureate Prof. Amartya Sen has also subscribed, we get jurisprudential basis for doing justice to the Vulnerable Groups which definitely include TGs. Once it is accepted that the TGs are also part of vulnerable groups and marginalized section of the society, we are only bringing them within the fold of aforesaid rights recognized in respect of other classes falling in the marginalized group. This is the minimum riposte in an attempt to assuage the insult and injury suffered by them so far as to pave way for fast tracking the realization of their human rights.

128. The aforesaid, thus, are my reasons for treating TGs as ‘third gender’ for the purposes of safeguarding and enforcing appropriately their rights guaranteed under the Constitution. These are my reasons in support of our Constitution to the two issues in these petitions. …………………….J.

(A.K.Sikri) 129. We, therefore, declare: (1) Hijras, Eunuchs, apart from binary gender, be treated as “third gender” for the purpose of safeguarding their rights under Part III of our Constitution and the laws made by the Parliament and the State Legislature. (2) Transgender persons’ right to decide their self-identified gender is also upheld and the Centre and State Governments are directed to grant legal recognition of their gender identity such as male, female or as third gender. (3) We direct the Centre and the State Governments to take steps to treat them as socially and educationally backward classes of citizens and extend all kinds of reservation in cases of admission in educational institutions and for public appointments. (4) Centre and State Governments are directed to operate separate HIV Sero-survellance Centres since Hijras/ Transgenders face several sexual health issues. (5) Centre and State Governments should seriously address the problems being faced by Hijras/Transgenders such as fear, shame, gender dysphoria, social pressure, depression, suicidal tendencies, social stigma, etc. and any insistence for SRS for declaring one’s gender is immoral and illegal. (6) Centre and State Governments should take proper measures to provide medical care to TGs in the hospitals and also provide them separate public toilets and other facilities. (7) Centre and State Governments should also take steps for framing various social welfare schemes for their betterment. (8) Centre and State Governments should take steps to create public awareness so that TGs will feel that they are also part and parcel of the social life and be not treated as untouchables. (9) Centre and the State Governments should also take measures to regain their respect and place in the society which once they enjoyed in our cultural and social life.

130. We are informed an Expert Committee has already been constituted to make an in-depth study of the problems faced by the Transgender community and suggest measures that can be taken by the Government to ameliorate their problems and to submit its report with recommendations within three months of its constitution. Let the recommendations be examined based on the legal declaration made in this Judgment and implemented within six months.

131. Writ Petitions are, accordingly, allowed, as above. …..………………………J.

(K.S. Radhakrishnan) ………………………….J.

(A.K. Sikri) New Delhi, April 15, 2014.

Saturday, March 10, 2012

The tax aviodance debate - V Venkatesan - from The FrontLine

The Supreme Court judgment in the Vodafone case, which has come under scrutiny, brings to the fore the issue of tax avoidance.
PTI

Installing the Vodafone logo at the company's office in Mumbai in September 2007, after the deal with Hutchison Essar was completed.

“We now live in a welfare state whose financial needs, if backed by the law, have to be respected and met. We must recognise that there is behind taxation laws as much moral sanction as behind any other welfare legislation and it is a pretence to say that avoidance of taxation is not unethical and that it stands on no less moral plane than honest payment of taxation.... It is neither fair nor desirable to expect the legislature to intervene and take care of every device and scheme to avoid taxation. It is up to the court to take stock to determine the nature of the new and sophisticated legal devices to avoid tax and... to avoid the devices for what they really are and to refuse to give judicial benediction.”

– Supreme Court Judge O. Chinnappa Reddy in McDowell and Company Limited vs Commercial Tax Officer (1985).

TAX revenues are an indispensable source of funding a government's development initiatives in an era in which governments often lament the lack of resources to secure for all citizens the right to an adequate means of livelihood and to minimise the inequalities in income.

Therefore, when individuals and companies resort to the use of illegitimate devices to avoid tax and find the political and legal climate conducive to that, it ought to arouse the nation's social conscience if only because plugging loopholes in tax collection cannot be left entirely to the executive and the legislature.

When the government understands its commitment to collect legitimate taxes but is not successful in convincing the judiciary to endorse it, it should mean a serious institutional failure on the part of the judiciary to safeguard the constitutional philosophy.

The Supreme Court's judgment in the Vodafone case, delivered on January 20, is an instance of such failure. Put simply, here was an unprecedented tax demand by the income tax authorities on Vodafone (to the tune of Rs.11,000 crore), on the basis of an equally unprecedented transaction between Vodafone and Hutch, with a clear nexus to the sale of the latter's assets in India.

As happens in any case, two legal views are certainly possible over whether the Indian tax authorities have jurisdiction to tax Vodafone for the transaction. The Bombay High Court had ruled in 2010 that the Income Tax Department had jurisdiction to tax Vodafone. The Supreme Court's judgment on January 20 set that aside, giving huge relief to Vodafone. The question being asked in legal circles is, if two equally valid but conflicting legal interpretations are possible, why not adopt the one that could help the government earn the requisite tax revenues rather than the one that has the potential to weaken governance and leave the citizens to the mercy of market forces.

It is possible to suggest, as some tax lawyers who defend Vodafone have done, that the law does not change if the tax demand is a large amount. But in the same breath, some of them suggest that if the Vodafone case had a tax implication of just Rs.10 crore, the case would have been over before the Income Tax Appellate Tribunal itself and would not have engaged the valuable time of the High Court and the Supreme Court.

It is precisely for this reason that it needs to be asked why Vodafone did not first approach the Tribunal for redress. As the stakes are high, both the transaction and the manner in which the judiciary understood and interpreted the issue are bound to come under intense scrutiny. And because it has huge implications (and possible setbacks for the I.T. Department in future) for similar tax demands involving foreign transactions with nexus to India, experts anticipate revenue losses to the Central government running into more than Rs.1 lakh crore.

This is not to suggest that the Supreme Court's judgment is scandalous; far from it. The government's advocates who argued the case before the Supreme Court and independent lawyers like Prashant Bhushan have refrained from calling it so. By convention, apex court rulings carry huge respect even among those disagreeing with them. Yet, it is essential to subject the Supreme Court's judgment to serious and well-informed criticism if only to prepare the ground for its review.

Put in this context, Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy's observations in the McDowell case, quoted above – delivered six years before the beginning of the era of liberalisation and economic reforms in 1991 – are prescient. Clearly, Justice Chinnappa Reddy envisaged a proactive role for the judiciary to see through the fraudulent tax avoidance devices employed by taxpayers at the cost of social justice.

Now in his nineties, Justice Chinnappa Reddy must be ruing the manner in which the Supreme Court misinterpreted twice (the first time in 2003 in the Azadi Bachao case and now in the Vodafone case) in the past 10 years his holding on how the court should be smart enough to expose the legal devices that companies adopt to avoid paying tax.

Justice Chinnappa Reddy was judge of the Supreme Court from 1978 to 1987, and was among the most distinguished members of the judiciary. His decision in the McDowell case was one of the most admired judgments on tax evasion.

McDowell case

McDowell was a licensed manufacturer of liquor in Hyderabad. The company had failed to disclose the excise duty paid on liquor sold by it to wholesalers. The taxing authority, through a notice, called upon the company to show cause why assessments made should not be reopened. The company challenged the validity of this notice and argued that the excise duty paid by the buyer did not become a part of the company's turnover.

The five-judge Constitution Bench dismissed McDowell's appeal through two judgments: one by four judges and another concurring, detailed and separate judgment by Justice Chinnappa Reddy.

Justice Ranganath Misra, on behalf of himself and three other judges on the Bench, namely, Chief Justice Y.V. Chandrachud and Justices D.A. Desai, and E.S. Venkataramiah, held as follows:

“Tax planning may be legitimate provided it is within the framework of law. Colourable devices cannot be part of tax planning and it is wrong to encourage or entertain the belief that it is honourable to avoid the payment of tax by resorting to dubious methods. It is the obligation of every citizen to pay the taxes honestly without resorting to subterfuges.”

Following this holding, the Bench said in Paragraph 27:

GURINDER OSAN/AP

FEBRUARY 14, 2007: Vodafone chief executive officer Arun Sarin, right, and Hutchison Essar CEO Asim Ghosh at a press conference in New Delhi after Britain's Vodafone Group PLC had agreed to buy a 67 per cent controlling interest in Hutchison Essar Ltd for $11.1 billion.

“On this aspect one of us, Chinnappa Reddy, J., has proposed a separate and detailed opinion with which we agree.”

The above sentence became the bone of contention in arriving at the ratio of the McDowell case. Did the four judges agree entirely with Justice Chinnappa Reddy, or only with regard to his observations against the use of colourable devices to avoid payment of tax? The Supreme Court has held in the Vodafone case that the ratio of McDowell is that the four judges agreed with Justice Chinnappa Reddy only in the context of use of colourable devices to avoid payment of tax. Justice Chinnappa Reddy, however, in his separate opinion, has clearly underlined the need to depart from the “Westminster” principle and tax avoidance.

According to this British principle (laid down in Inland Revenue Commissioners vs Duke of Westminster, 1936), every man is entitled if he can to order his affairs so as to diminish the burden of tax. Justice Chinnappa Reddy held that the principle of Westminster had been given a decent burial and in that very country where the phrase ‘ tax avoidance' originated, the judicial attitude towards tax avoidance had changed and the smile, cynical or even affectionate though it might have been at one time, had now frozen into a deep frown. No one could now get away with a tax avoidance project with the mere statement that there was nothing illegal about it, he had said.

In the Vodafone case decided by the Supreme Court's three-judge Bench on January 20, the McDowell ghost returned to haunt the judiciary. The Bench comprised of Chief Justice of India S.H. Kapadia and Justices Swatanter Kumar and K.S. Radhakrishnan. In two separate judgments (Chief Justice Kapadia and Justice Swatanter Kumar delivering one and Justice Radhakrishnan authoring the second), the Bench set aside the Bombay High Court judgment in the Vodafone case.

Vodafone case

Briefly, the case concerns a tax dispute between the Vodafone Group and the Income Tax Department (hereafter referred to as Revenue) over the acquisition by Vodafone International Holdings BV (VIH), a company resident for tax purposes in the Netherlands, of the entire share capital of CGP Investments (Holdings) Ltd. (CGP), a company resident for tax purposes in the Cayman Islands on February 11, 2007.

According to Revenue, the aim of this transaction was to acquire 67 per cent controlling interest in Hutchison Essar Limited (HEL), a company resident in India. Revenue, therefore, sought to tax capital gains, arising from the sale of the share capital of CGP on the basis that CGP, while not a tax resident in India, holds the underlying Indian assets. The tax demand was a whopping Rs.11.000 crore.

VIH, on the contrary, argued that it acquired companies which, in turn, controlled a 67 per cent interest but not controlling interest, in HEL. Further, VIH contended that CGP held indirectly through other companies 52 per cent shareholding interest in HEL as well as Options to acquire a further 15 per cent shareholding interest in HEL, subject to relaxation of foreign direct investment (FDI) norms.

High Court verdict

The Bombay High Court Bench comprising Justices Dr D.Y. Chandrachud and J.P. Devadhar on September 8, 2010, upheld the Central government's contention that the Vodafone-Hutch transaction had a significant nexus with India. Once the nexus is established, income tax may extend to that person in respect of his foreign income, the Bench said. Such a nexus can be based on residence or business connection within the taxing state or the situation within the state of an asset or source of income from which the taxable income is derived, the Bench explained.

“Even though the revenue laws of a country may not be enforceable in another, that does not imply that the courts of a country shall not enforce the law against the residents of another within their own territories,” the High Court Bench held.

While concluding so, the High Court simply relied on the perception of Hutchison Telecommunication International Ltd. (HTIL), Cayman Islands, which had its shareholdings in HEL in terms of HTIL's Annual Report for 2007. The High Court found that for HTIL the transaction represented a discontinuation of its operations in India (paragraph 123).

In paragraph 124, the High Court went into the nature of the transaction from the perspective of how VIH BV looked at the events that led to the sale-purchase agreement dated February 11, 2007. The Bench then went on to analyse the relevant documents.

In paragraph 132, it concluded that it would be simplistic to assume that the entire transaction between HTIL and VIH BV was fulfilled merely upon the transfer of a single share of CGP in the Cayman Islands. “The commercial and business understanding between the parties postulated that what was being transferred from HTIL to VIH BV was the controlling interest in HEL…. HEL was at all times intended to be the target company and a transfer of the controlling interest in HEL was the purpose which was achieved by the transaction,” the Bench noted.

More important, the High Court Bench also relied on the due diligence report of Ernst & Young to emphasise that the object and intent of the parties was to achieve the transfer of control over HEL. The transfer of the solitary share of CGP, a Cayman Islands company, was put into place subsequently at the behest of HTIL as a mode of effectuating the goal.

In paragraph 134, the High Court was very specific: “The transactional documents are not merely incidental or consequential to the transfer of the CGP share, but recognised independently the rights and entitlements of HTIL in relation to the Indian business which were being transferred to VIH BV.”

In paragraph 135, the High Court further noted: “The transaction between VIH BV and HTIL was a composite transaction which covered a complex web of structures and arrangements, not referable to the transfer of one share of an upstream overseas company alone. The transfer of that one share alone would not have been sufficient to consummate the transaction.”

In the Supreme Court

Unfortunately, the Supreme Court found no merit in the High Court's findings. In order to rebut these findings, the Supreme Court resorted to an academic discussion on why this case concerns “a share sale” rather than an “asset sale”.

The Supreme Court's judgment favours a “look at” test in which Revenue looks at the entire Hutchison structure as it existed, holistically, and not adopt a dissecting approach. In other words, Revenue should not ask whether the transaction is a tax deferment/saving device, but apply the “look at” test to ascertain its true legal nature.

The court then stretched this “look at” test to be applied to every strategic FDI coming to India, as an investment destination, in a holistic manner. While doing so, it said, Revenue/courts should keep in mind six factors, namely, the concept of participation in investment; the duration of time during which the Holding Structure exists; the period of business operations in India; the generation of taxable revenues in India; the timing of the exit; and the continuity of business on such exit. The onus is on Revenue to identify the scheme and its dominant purpose, it said.

The Supreme Court frowned upon the High Court's “look through” test because, it claimed, it was inconsistent with tax policy certainty, which was crucial for taxpayers (including foreign investors) to make rational economic choices in the most efficient manner.

While examining the question whether the Supreme Court must have chosen the “dissecting/look through test” of the High Court rather than the “look at” test, a return to the question of the ratio of the McDowell judgment is imperative. Delivered as part of the five-judge Constitution Bench, Justice Chinnappa Reddy's separate but concurring judgment in that case must have been considered binding on Supreme Court Benches comprising fewer than five judges.

Azadi Bachao case

In 2003, in the Azadi Bachao Andolan case, a two-judge Bench of the Supreme Court upheld the government's appeal against the Delhi High Court judgment quashing Circular No.789 of April 13, 2000. This circular stated that the Mauritius Tax Residency Certificate issued by the Mauritius Tax Office was a sufficient evidence for accepting the status of residence and beneficial ownership for applying the Convention on the Avoidance of Double Taxation between India and Mauritius executed on April 1, 1983.

The then National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government had issued the circular because the tax authorities in India had issued notices to some shell companies incorporated in Mauritius with the purpose to invest funds in India. But these companies were controlled and managed from countries other than India and Mauritius. The circular was ostensibly aimed at instilling confidence among foreign investors who used the Mauritius route.

In the Vodafone case, the Central government submitted before the Supreme Court that the two-judge Bench wrongly decided the Azadi case. The government continues to insist that Circular No.789 is legally valid. But it is unhappy that the Bench in the Azadi case applied the McDowell ratio incorrectly while restoring the circular.

The McDowell ratio is that artificial tax avoidance devices must be brought within the tax net. Both the Azadi and Vodafone Benches of the Supreme Court, however, interpreted the ratio to mean that only colourable tax avoidance devices could be brought within the tax net. If the tax authorities try to prove precisely that a particular device is colourable by adopting a “look through” test, the effort fails as in the Vodafone case. Therefore, there is considerable force in the Central government's plea that the Supreme Court decided wrongly the Azadi and Vodafone cases by its flawed interpretation of the McDowell ratio. If a device is apparently meant to avoid tax, then it should be brought under the tax net no matter whether it is colourable or not.

There is one more reason to worry about the Supreme Court's judgment in the Vodafone case. The court has held that the offshore transaction is a bona fide structured FDI investment into India which fell outside India's territorial tax jurisdiction and was hence not taxable.

In its review petition filed before the Supreme Court, the Central government pointed out that the Vodafone transaction did not involve any inflow of monies into India because the sale consideration was paid outside India and therefore was not a case of FDI into India at all. The government has pointed out that the court failed to appreciate that the FDI policy of the Government of India was unrelated to the instant case because it did not involve any investment or inflow of money into India. The government made it clear that its FDI policy and the interpretation of taxation statutes operate in two different realms.

Whatever the outcome of this review petition in the Supreme Court, the Vodafone judgment, with its myriad aspects, will have a profound influence on Indian tax jurisprudence.

It makes sense to conclude with what Justice Chinnappa Reddy said in the McDowell judgment: “There is the sense of injustice and inequality which tax avoidance arouses in the breasts of those who are unwilling or unable to profit by it…. Last but not the least is the ethics (to be precise, the lack of it) of transferring the burden of tax liability to the shoulders of the guileless good citizens from those of ‘artful dodgers'.”

To the defenders of the Vodafone-Hutch deal, these observations of Justice Chinnappa Reddy may appear to be totally unnecessary to decide the facts of the McDowell case. To many, however, he had the foresight to anticipate that tax avoidance could take ingenious forms, and that it was unfair to accord it any legitimacy.'via Blog this'

Friday, February 17, 2012

‘Amending power is unique' - From the Frontline

‘Amending power is unique':

'via Blog this'

T.R. ANDHYARUJINA: "In the Kesavananda case external political forces operated for over 66 days."

TEHMTAN R. ANDHYARUJINA, a Senior Advocate in the Supreme Court of India, faced a lot of criticism from his colleagues, especially Soli J. Sorabjee, who was a junior to Nani Palkhivala during the hearing of the Kesavananda case, that his latest book, The Kesavananda Bharati Case: The Untold Story of Struggle for Supremacy by Supreme Court and Parliament, was a wasted effort. The former Solicitor-General took the flak in his stride, saying, “The purpose of my book is only to give a historical account of how the basic structure doctrine came to be established in our constitutional law.” Excerpts from an interview he gave Frontline:

Your book suggests that the inviolability of the basic structure doctrine was a dubious view of the majority of the Kesavananda Bench. What should have been the ratio of that judgment?

Extracting the ratio from the 11 judgments should have been the task of either the 13-judge Bench or a subsequent Bench. It is difficult to say what would have been the ratio on a proper judicial exercise. Had that exercise been done, there may not have been a majority holding that there is a limitation of the basic structure of the Constitution in amending the Constitution. There was no majority for any implied limitation on the amending power as Justice [H.R.] Khanna had rejected the implied limitations on the Constitution. What would have been extracted as the ratio of the Kesavananda case by a later Bench is a matter of speculation. This difficult exercise was purposely avoided by Chief Justice [S.M.] Sikri when he created the so-called View by the Majority note and passed it around for signatures of the judges on April 24, 1973.

In the concluding chapter, you concede that the basic structure doctrine is so deeply enshrined in our constitutional law that it would not be shaken even by the knowledge of the process by which it came to be formulated. What then is the purpose of the book, if it is not to make readers question that long-held belief?

It is correct that the basic structure theory has become an axiom of our constitutional law and one cannot imagine any Bench of the Supreme Court annulling that theory. It is also true that for whatever reason and method the majority view was arrived at, the axiom of unamendability of the basic structure of the Constitution has had a salutary check and control on the amending power. The purpose of my book is only to give a historical account of how the basic structure doctrine came to be established in our constitutional law. After this case, Parliament and the government gained by different approaches on its social and economic policies, which the court did not interfere with merely because some fundamental right was perceived to be violated. In that sense, the judgment served a useful purpose to society.

Can you explain how the then government sought to appoint judges before the hearing of the case?

After the Golaknath case, the government took a predominant role in the appointment process. By and large the new government nominees, though men of eminence and distinction, decided in favour of the unlimited power of Parliament except Justice A.K. Mukherjea. After Golaknath, the initiative came from the government. Justice Sikri was initially reluctant to appoint Justices [M.H.] Beg and [S.N.] Dwivedi. The government prevailed upon him. He selected Justice Khanna. The government accepted it. The relations between Justice Sikri and Indira Gandhi were also strained.

Justice Sikri had to choose 13 out of the then total strength of 15 judges to hear the Kesavananda case [the earlier relevant case, Golaknath, was decided by 11 judges and the Kesavananda Bench had to be bigger than that]. There were just two remaining judges who did not have a long tenure: Justice [V.] Alagirisamy and Justice Inder Dev Dua. But their tenure could have been extended in the form of ad hoc judges [and could have been chosen to be part of the Kesavananda Bench to replace Justices Sikri and J.M. Shelat]. The general practice is when your view is being reviewed, propriety requires that you recuse yourself from the Bench. But nobody raised objections [against Justices Sikri and Shelat being on the Kesavananda Bench because they were earlier part of the majority judges on the Golaknath Bench].

You mention that there was a move to exclude Justice Beg, a pro-government judge, from the Bench after 66 days of hearing on his hospitalisation. Who was behind this move?

It is unfortunate that a strong attempt was made by the petitioners and the CJI [Chief Justice of India] to exclude him on his third and last illness. His exclusion would not have changed the number of the majority, as the majority would have still prevailed with 7:5 instead of 7:6. In a case with such political overtones, the [likely] exclusion of Justice Beg at the last moment created tensions. It was felt that if the case was adjourned for the return of Justice Beg, the case would have prolonged beyond the retirement of CJI Sikri and the whole effort of the 13-judge Bench would have come to naught. Therefore, the petitioners and the CJI wanted to drop Justice Beg from the Bench and proceed as if there were 12 judges. The illness of Justice Beg at the crucial moment was interpreted as some sort of a game plan of the government to put an end to the case. The petitioners believed that it was a move to favour the government. As a result, Justice Beg was retained on the Bench, with Palkhivala being asked to give written submissions. It was a serious illness, but the question was whether his illness would go beyond the tenure of Justice Sikri.

The Attorney-General had threatened to walk out if Justice Beg was dropped. [Justice H.M.] Seervai supported him. Without one judge on the Bench, the legitimacy of the judgment would have come into question. Palkhivala, therefore, submitted to the government's wish, and agreed to close his oral arguments on the 66th day.

By signing the View by the Majority note, did the neutral judges not apply their minds? You suggest that some of them reluctantly signed it because of constraints of time as Justice Sikri was due to retire.

The only judge who said that he signed the View by the Majority note to accommodate Sikri was Justice Y.V. Chandrachud. The rest of the judges, except Mukherjea, were by and large committed to the view of Parliament not having the amending power to change the basic structure. It would not have made any difference to the ultimate result, as at least five of the judges were clearly in favour of limiting Parliament's amending power, and, one judge, Justice Khanna, was in favour of limiting its powers only on the grounds of basic structure. The absence of judicial conference does not invalidate the judgment. The view by the majority cannot be considered invalid because of the absence of a judges' conference [preceding it], but it had become dubious because it was a hurriedly prepared paper passed on for signatures just before the judgment was delivered.

You have also claimed that the then government was in possession of some of the draft judgments before they were delivered. What was the basis of this claim?

The government decided on the supersession of judges even before the judgment was delivered in open court. Kuldip Nayar, in his book, says that Chief Justice Sikri queried Justice Beg. Justice Dwivedi said [after his appointment] that he was going to the Supreme Court to reverse Golaknath. Justice Beg was the nominee of Indira Gandhi. The government had advance notice of the views of the judges. Justice Mukherjea, Justice P. Jagannatha Reddy, Justice Chandrachud and Justice Khanna did not give the impression of being one way or the other. They appeared to be uncommitted. So, they would tilt the balance. Justice Reddy, on his own, came to more or less the same conclusion as the Sikri-led judges.

Justice Mukherjea wrote a joint judgment with Justice Hegde. Justice Khanna took a midway position. Justice Chandrachud was perceived by the petitioners to be in favour of limiting the amending power by some of his statements in the court, and the fact that he had been invited by Justice Sikri to the only judicial conference of like-minded judges. Therefore, his writing a judgment in favour of Parliament was a great surprise. This gave rise to the rumour that he had been influenced by the then Law Minister H.R. Gokhale and retired Chief Justice Gajendragadkar [a family friend of Chandrachud]. Justice Chandrachud later said that he was entitled to change his views. He denied that he was influenced by Gokhale and Justice Gajendragadkar.

Why did Chief Justice A.N. Ray dissolve the 13-judge Bench to review the Kesavananda judgment within two days of its constitution in 1976? You have speculated on the reasons, like his isolation on the Bench, Palkhivala's letter to the Prime Minister on the eve of the hearing protesting against the move, and so on. Can you elaborate?

I think the 13-judge Bench was constituted by Justice A.N. Ray to review the Kesavananda case without any judicial order and there was no indication why the case was required to be reviewed. This was the strongest reason advanced by Palkhivala. On this point, neither Chief Justice Ray nor Attorney-General Niran De was able to give a convincing answer. And from the observations of other judges, this question was a worrying one. Therefore, in my view, Ray could not carry the majority with him to review the Kesavananda case, and on the third day, he felt compelled to dissolve the Bench without any reason.

How would you interpret Justice Ray's legacy?

Chief Justice Ray's acceptance of the CJI post is often misunderstood. It was not he who manoeuvred it but the government. After knowing the views of the judges who were going to decide against Parliament, the government decided that the next CJI should not be a judge from among those judges. It is now known that the government even asked Justice K.K. Mathew whether he would accept the position of the CJI. But he declined. Chief Justice Ray himself was reluctant to be the CJI in such a controversial way, but he was told that if he did not accept the position, the government was determined to go down the line and appoint any other judge who would consent to be the CJI. Therefore, Justice Ray accepted the position with reluctance.

Your mentor H.M. Seervai changed his view after the Emergency that the doctrine of basic structure was required for Indian democracy as without it many of the abuses of power during the Emergency could not have been reversed legally. Do you similarly support the doctrine now, even while legally questioning its birth?

In the Kesavananda case, it was argued that the amending power could be abused. It was not an unknown fact. But that could never be the reason for cutting down any power. Seervai changed his view for personal reasons. Today, after 38 years, one can say that as a matter of political argument a check on the amending power is always to be welcomed. In other countries, the amending power is not subjected to such judicial constraints, except in Bangladesh. Any power is capable of being abused and the fact of the abuse is never a ground for limiting the governing power.

The difficulty in ascertaining the basic structure is that it is a highly nebulous and subjective standard. It gives a vital power to the judiciary, which was never contemplated by the Constitution makers. It is true that Parliamentary and executive misuse is something that requires judicial correction and which is done in the normal course. But the amending power is a unique power, which cannot be compared with the ordinary legislative or executive power. The amending power is a quasi-political power and its validity may not be within the domain of the executive, which is a view taken in most jurisdictions of the world, including, Malaysia, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and South Africa. It is a unique power to create the Constitution. Judges are bound by the Constitution.

All constitutional cases, in a sense, are political. In the Kesavananda case the external political forces operated for over 66 days, and in that sense it was not a normal, constitutional case deciding political issues.